Thursday, 16 January 2014

History of Scotland

'We look to Scotland for all our ideas of civilization'
Voltaire
When one imagines Scotland in a historic sense, a certain image is often invoked; of Baronial and gothic castles emerging from the fog of a lush highland landscape, of proud clan chieftains, romanticised notions of identity and clan feuds as well as the unique dress that remains in ceremonial use, albeit in a popularised form, and especially of the wars of Scottish independence which saw the medieval kingdom of Scotland retain its sovereignty despite repeated invasion by her neighbours. This, somewhat popularised imagining of Scottish history tends to obscure a richer heritage which included a periods of intellectual; artistic and philosophical innovation, especially during 18th century in a period now known as the Scottish enlightenment, important industrial and economic developments in the 18th century as well as a literary tradition that helped develop Scotland's distinct national identity which had its foundations in the poetry of Allan Ramsay to James Macpherson whose epics led to foundation of the romantic movement in Europe.
The earliest surviving records of Scotland remain the accounts of the Greek Pytheas of Massalia who ventured into Scotland in 325 BC. The geographical entity of Scotland was inhabited at least 8,500 years before written history of the Scottish people. The earliest distinguishable culture seems to be that of the Brythonic Celts, whose language eventually spread into Scotland after the 8th century. As a result of this cultural assimilation, various iron-age kingdoms emerged although the surviving hill forts and brochs paint the image of competing tribes rather than fully fledged sovereign powers.
The Roman invasion and occupation of Caledonia, the Latin name given to the northern province of Roman Britannia remains one of the more significant events in ancient Scottish history. The invasion began in AD 43 by Julius Agricola and was met with fierce resistance by the local Caledonians. Despite the roman victory over the local tribes at the Battle of Mons Graupius in 84, the Romans failed to completely conquer Caledonia and were forced to withdraw due to the costly consequences of maintaining garrisons in Caledonia. Till this day, evidence of the Roman occupation can still be found in the form of the roads that were constructed in order to maintain control over the region.
Post-Roman Scotland saw the foundations develop for the transition from antiquity to the medieval era where a united political entity was first conceived. Following the departure of the empire, the modern day boundaries of Scotland were roughly divided among four groups; the Picts, the Kingdom of Fortriu, the Gaelic speaking people of Dal Riata and the Brythonic descendants of the Roman influenced kingdoms in the south. Among the more important cultural and social developments of this period was the conversion of the region's population to Christianity by Irish Scots missionaries. The missions that were often associated with St Columba developed several monastic churches and theological institutions, and eventually resulted in the development of a distinctive form of Celtic Christianity which maintained significant theological and structural differences from the Roman form of the religion.
It didn't take long for the linguistic and cultural gaelicisation of the Pictish kingdoms to follow, as well the merger of the Gaelic and Pictish Crowns. The House of Alpin was brought to power by Kenneth MacAlpin, who is considered the mythological first King of Scots. Following his death, Donald II rose to the throne of a kingdom encircled by the Viking conquests and summed the title King of Alba which signalled the first time the term Scotia would be used to describe the kingdom between North of the Forth and Clyde, and eventually all of Scotland. Following the political turmoil that came as a result of William the conqueror's invasion of Scotland, David I assumed the throne and oversaw a period known as the Davidian revolution, by which native institutions were replaced with French and English ones, signalling an important transition to the medieval era whereby members of the Anglo-Norman aristocracy took up residence in the Scottish kingdoms and introduced a feudal model of land tenure and knight service.
The transition to medieval society coincided with a particularly famous era of the Scottish history known as the Wars of Independence. The crisis resulted from the death of King Alexander III in 1286, which left 14 potential rivals for succession. In order to avoid a civil war and the breakup of the Kingdom, Scottish magnates asked Edward I of England to arbitrate in which he brought Scotland under feudal dependency before choosing Job Balliol to rule. Edward I used the concessions he gained to undermine Scottish authority which prompted John to enter the Auld Alliance with the kingdom of France. In 1296, Edward invaded Scotland and deposed King John. A rebellion was organised under Andrew de Moray and William Wallace to resist the occupation, where the English forces were defeated at the Battle of Stirling Bridge. Wallace briefly took over Scotland in the name of John Balliol, before Edward I personally led a campaign which accumulated in the battle of Falkirk, where Wallace was exiled but eventually caught and met his demise in 1305. The rebellion continued under Robert the Bruce who was crowned King in 1306 and despite defeat at the hands of Edward at the Battle of Methven and excommunication by the Pope, eventually garnered enough support to take back all but Stirling Castle, which fell during the Battle of Bannockburn. In 1320, a major political effort symbolised by the Declaration of Arbroath helped reverse excommunication from the Vatican and nullified various acts of submission by Scottish kings to the English, reviving the legitimacy of an independent Scottish Kingdom in medieval Europe. In 1326, the first parliament of Scotland met, evolving from an earlier council of nobility and clergy, and representatives of the burghs.
The late medieval-renaissance period largely proceeded under the authority of the House of Stuart which came to the throne in 1371 following the accession of Robert II to the throne. The last acquisition of Scottish territory occurred during this period when James III married Margaret of Denmark receiving the Orkney and Shetland Islands in payment of her dowry. His successor, James IV ended the quasi-independent rule of the Lord of the Isles; bring the western isles under Scottish rule. The foundations of the 17th century Union of the Crowns whereby Scotland and England would be under one monarchical authority were in this period when James IV married Margaret Tudor, daughter of Henry VII of England. Of more cultural significance, Scotland's educational system improved dramatically with the passing of the Education act 1496 which decreed that all sons of barons and freeholders of substance should attend grammar schools. This led to the subsequent founding of the University of St Andrews in 1413, the University of Glasgow in 1450 and the University of Aberdeen in 1495.
Of significance cultural and social note was the influence of the protestant reformation that Scotland underwent during the 16th Century. The teachings of Martin Luther and John Calvin began influencing Scotland during which a number of Lutheran preachers were executed for heresy. The reformation ignited a brief civil war which saw the English intervene on the protestant side, ending the relationship of the Scottish church with the papacy. The influential Scottish theologian, John Knox, who was a disciple of Calvin and Wishart, founded the Church of Scotland in the 16th century. Until the late 20th century, Presbyterian variety of the faith became a central value of Scots, coupled with the major industrial and economic growth in the 19th century led to the likes of Max Weber to develop his theory of the spirit of Capitalism and the protestant ethic.
The Union of Crowns, whereby the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of England came under one monarch, in a personal or dynastic union occurred in 1603 when James VI King of Scots inherited the throne of England and became King James I of England. Both crowns, however, remained distinct and separate despite efforts by James to create an "Imperial" throne. Various theological differences between the two Kingdoms largely defined the atmosphere that existed during King James VI reign. The glorious revolution put an end to James II of England's rule, in favour of William and Mary. The late 17th century was largely a dark period in Scottish history with many regions experiencing famine, as well as the failure of the Darien scheme which attempted to establish the Kingdom of Scotland as a world tradition nation by establishing a colony on the Isthmus of Panama. The bankruptcy of the Scottish nobility played a large part in convincing the Scottish elite to back a union with England. In 1707, the Scottish parliament passed the Acts of the Union which saw the creation of Great Britain and the replacement of Scottish systems of taxations, currency, laws and trade with those made in London.
If Scotland was to be described as a largely poor, agrarian nation, under constant threat of famine and invasion in the late 17th century, then its fortunes were certainly changed in the 18th century with the blossoming of colonial America and the subsequent rise in trade with the colonies. Glasgow became a major industrial and economic centre, due to its strategic position and access to the Atlantic. The Glasgow Tobacco lords owned the fastest ships on route to Virginia and until the American war of Independence; Glasgow remained the world's premier tobacco port. Divisions in Scottish society, however, still remained and were exasperated with the growing wealth of the new merchant class and the old clans of the highlands. The deposed Jacobite Stuart claimants were popular in the highlands, especially among non-Presbyterians, which eventually resulted in a failed rebellion to remove the house of Hanover from the British throne. This defeat paved the way for a period in Scottish history known as the clearances, whereby the indigenous populations of the highlands and islands were forcibly removed and relocated.
Despite the massive disruption of Scottish society which came about as a result of the clearances, Scotland's continued economic growth led to a period often dubbed, "The Scottish Enlightenment". Scottish intellectuals benefited from a highly developed university system, as well as tradition ties with France which had undergone its own enlightenment. Out of this tradition, emerged a uniquely humanist ideology and alternative philosophies to the arguably dominant classical realism of Hobbes. In particular, Utilitarian and consequentialist principles were developed and refined under the likes of David Hume. Literature was also revitalised, especially under Allan Ramsay who reignited an interest in Scotland's literary heritage as well as leading the trend for pastoral poetry. James Macpherson translated poetry written by Ossian and were proclaimed as the Celtic equivalent to epics. Robert Burns and Walter Scott continued the poetic Ossian tradition, making original compositions as well as adapting folk songs. Burns is still largely considered Scotland's national poet.
Various Scottish enlightenment figures such as James Burnett, Adam Ferguson and William Robertson merged a study of human behaviour, culture and the determining forces of modernity, largely contributing towards the development of modern Sociology. The first work of modern economics, The Wealth of Nations, was written by Adam Smith which had an immediate impact of British economic policy. Scotland also became known across the world as a centre of engineering, as evident by the ships built in the Clyde and locomotives constructed in Glasgow.
The First World War had a devastating effect on Scotland, which provided manpower, ships, machinery and food supplies to the British army. Half a million men were sent to war, over whom a quarter died and 150,000 returning seriously wounded. The combination of a devastating world war, major industrialisation and large working class comprised of Irish catholic workers resulted in the emergence of radical political sentiments among segments of the Scottish population, especially the trade unionists which gravitated between the Labour Party and more radical Socialist and Communist organisations. The depression hit the economy hard in 1922 and never fully recovered until 1939. Growing ill health, bad housing, and long term unemployment necessitated a major rethinking of socio-economic policy.
Following the Second World War, Scotland's economic situation descended into a downward spiral due to overseas competition, inefficient industry and industrial disputes. The discovery of North Sea oil and gas in the 1970s, as well as the transition from an industrial to a service based economy, however, reversed this trend. This period also marked the rise of Scottish independence and devolution, with increasing demand that domestic affairs should return to direct Scottish control. Following a referendum on devolution proposals in 1997, the Scotland Act 1998 was passed by the United Kingdom Parliament to establish a devolved Scottish parliament and Scottish government with responsibility to enact and enforce most laws specific to Scotland.

Nations Unite for Independence in the new Age of Democracy

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Saturday, 28 December 2013

HAPPY NEW YEAR 2014

And a very happy new year and Hogmanay for Scotland (or Alba) with everyone in the country looking forward with great expectations for a positive vote for (or against) Independence. But this vote is not just a chance in a lifetime. It is a chance in a millenium, for the people of Scotland to prove to the rest of the world that they are an individual and proud and dignified nation and not merely an adjunct of the UK, as Wales and northern Ireland are, under the control of an unrepresentative British parliament in London.  This year presents a new and unprecedented opportunity for the people of Scotland to cast a vote for the future of a nation and to contradict the action of their King James VI who, along with others, turned his back on his Scottish birthright to adopt the culture and mannerisms of the English and so virtually became King of England without the consensus of the Scottish population who then had no access to democratic process.

But in our present age that democratic process exists, however flawed it is, and the people of Scotland can choose their allegiance. Will they give their allegiance to a united kingdom where real values are being lost and where they have no democratic political representation, and where elements of totalitarianism and lack of human rights prevails in a divided society, where the gap continues to increase between the rich and the poor, or will they choose the dignity of independence and a respected place in the community of nations?
Let us hope that they will think deeply and choose wisely and cast their YES vote for independence.


YES for Independence

Scotland for the people of Scotland




Sunday, 1 December 2013


White Paper on the Scottish Referendum for Independence

Scotland’s Future: Statement to the the Scottish Parliament



With permission, Presiding Officer, I would like to make a statement on Scotland’s Future, the Scottish Government’s comprehensive guide to an independent Scotland, which was published earlier today and made available to all members from 10 o’clock this morning.
Scotland’s Future runs to 670 pages and 170,000 words.
It is the most detailed prospectus for the independence of a country that has ever been published.   The Government promised the people of Scotland, and this Parliament, detailed proposals for independence – the opportunities of independence, the benefits for individuals, families, communities and the nation as a whole and the practicalities of how we move from a Yes vote in September next year to becoming an independent country in March 2016.
Scotland’s Future provides all of this detail and more.
I realise that members will need time to read and digest the contents of this landmark document.
The Government has therefore made time for a full debate tomorrow afternoon, and I am sure that there will be many opportunities to discuss and debate the detail of it, both in parliament and across the country, in the months leading up to the referendum.
Today I want to set out the key themes of Scotland’s Future and provide information on how the Government intends to raise awareness of it and ensure that the public knows how to access the guide and the detailed information that it contains.
As members will be aware,  the guide is in five parts.
Part one gives an overview of the compelling case for independence and describes what our newly independent Scotland will look like.
Part two sets out the financial strengths of our country, forecasts Scotland’s fiscal position at the point of independence, and makes clear how this government – if elected in 2016 to be the first government of an independent Scotland – would deliver our early priorities within sound public finances.
Part three details the benefits and opportunities of independence across the entire range of government responsibilities that will transfer from Westminster to the Scottish Parliament in the event of a Yes vote and illustrates, through a set of Scottish Government policy choices, how we can start to use the new powers of independence to grow our economy and tackle the inequality that is so unacceptable in our rich country.
Part four describes how we will become independent – the negotiations, agreements and preparations that will be required in the transition period between a Yes vote next year and Independence Day on 24 March 2016. It also considers the opportunity that independence will give us to develop a modern, written constitution fit for the 21st century.
And, finally, Part 5, provides a comprehensive set of answers – 650 in all – to the range of questions that we have been asked about the practicalities of independence.

Read the full statement here.

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Tuesday, 16 July 2013

Recognise the Language of the Breton People



The Celtic Language of Brittany Suffers the Malign Indifference of the French Government

Breton, the Celtic language of Brittany, is the topic of an article on the language interest website "Freelang".  The article highlights the decades old campaign of discrimination against the Breton language by the French Government. Paris has refused to ratify the "The European Charter For Regional or Minority Languages" and by doing so deprive Breton speakers of the rights and priviledges protected by the Charter.
The Network To Promote Linguistic Diversity (NPLD), a European wide organisation dedicated to the importance of linguistic diversity, reports on actions taken in response to the French Governments attitude toward minority languages.  At the 5th World Forum on Human Rights held in the French city of Nantes in May of this year, demands were made of the French Government to ratify the Charter for Minority Languages.  The NPLD web page gives us: " Hundreds of civil society associations working in the field of language promotion gathered at the Conference..to demand that the French Government ratify The Europen Charter For Regional or Minority Languages, the only legally binding international instrument aimed at promoting Europe's linguistic minorities."
The United Kingdom has ratified the Treaty.  
www.coe.int/t/dg4/education/minlang/aboutcharter/default_en.asp

"During times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes 

a revolutionary act." - George Orwell

Monday, 24 June 2013

Nothing Succeeds Like Success


Scots referendum yes ‘10 times more likely to succeed’

SCOTLAND’S independence ballot could be 10 times more likely to achieve a “yes” vote for separation than a “no”, according to the world’s top expert on referendums.

Historical-precedent-shows-that-Alex-Salmond-s-SNP-is-well-placed-to-break-up-the-UnionHistorical precedent shows that Alex Salmond’s SNP is well placed to break up the Union
Professor Matt Qvortrup, from Cranfield University in Hertfordshire, said historical precedent showed that Alex Salmond’s SNP is well placed to break up the Union.
Of the 46 referendums held worldwide since 1905, 42 have resulted in a new independent country being formed – with two of the remaining four “no” results later reversed.
This means Quebec, which has had two votes on leaving Canada, is the only place in more than a century where an independence referendum has not ultimately resulted in separation.
Support for an independent Scotland is still lower than support for the UK. Unionist parties were quick to point out last night that Dr Qvortrup’s statistics do not take this fact into account.
Nothing is for certain
Even so, writing exclusively for the Scottish Sunday Express today, he says that previous referendums have had a surprisingly high success rate.
He writes: “The Canadian political scientist Jean Laponce found that 46 referendums on independence had been held since Norway voted to secede from Sweden in 1905.
“Interestingly, of these only four – two in Quebec, one in Montenegro and one in Malta – resulted in defeat, and in both the latter two, the Montenegrins and the Maltese later reversed the decision and voted for independence a decade later.
“Several of these 46 plebiscites have concerned independence from Britain, such as the independence referendum in Malta in 1964 and the poll on Newfoundland leaving the UK and joining Canada in 1948.”
Other referendums which resulted in independence include Southern Sudan earlier this year, Montenegro in 2006, East Timor in 1999, Eritrea in 1993, Algeria in 1961 and Iceland in 1944.
Dr Qvortrup also concludes that Scottish Secretary Michael Moore’s suggestion that there should be two ballots in Scotland was “undemocratic”.
A spokesman for the First Minister welcomed today’s article but stressed the Scottish Government is taking “nothing for granted”.
The Conservatives yesterday also said they are confident that Scots will make it a total five “no” votes in 2014 or 2015.
Meanwhile, the First Minister has dismissed Prime Minister David Cameron’s desire for the question on the ballot paper to read: “Do you wish Scotland to remain part of the United Kingdom?”
That would mean Unionist parties could style themselves as the “yes” campaign, believed to have a more positive impact with voters.
Last week, it also emerged that Scottish ministers favour two separate questions on the ballot paper, the first on independence and the second on full fiscal autonomy.

Revelations

"During times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a 

revolutionary act." - George Orwell

Monday, 13 May 2013

Making A Difference - Striding on to Scottish Independence

The difference is you.

At the turn of the year, support for an independent Scotland was 23% according to media reports. Since then most polls have shown the campaign securing over 30% support. With just under 500 days to go what do these polls tell us? Not a lot, in terms of what the result will be in September 2014, but a great deal in terms of the steps we know we must take to win.

If every person who supports independence today persuades just one other person, then victory will be ours.

We are focused on one thing, and one thing only: securing that Yes vote on 18 September, 2014. There are three key arguments you can make to your friends and family today and in the weeks ahead:

First: Westminster isn't working for Scotland and that changes to our welfare state, which will hit 1 million Scottish families, are part of an agenda that is taking our nation in the wrong direction. In 2014 we can choose a new and better path.

Second: the people who care most about Scotland, that is the people of Scotland, will do the best job of making our nation a fairer and more prosperous place. Scotland's future should be in Scotland's hands.

Third: Scotland's got what it takes to be a prosperous and flourishing independent nation. Given all the many strengths we have in our economy, there is no doubt families across Scotland should be better off than they are today.

The power of our campaign is that the conversations you have within your social circles are 5 times more effective at persuading people than any newspaper story, and 10 times more effective than the words of most politicians.

We have plenty of time to make Scotland's case. And plenty of time to give people the information they need to turn their No today into a Yes when it matters.

That is why the Yes campaign is about building the largest grassroots movement that Scotland has ever seen, and you are already part of it.

Yes Scotland has more than 100 local groups and tens of thousands of volunteers out there right now making the positive case in communities across Scotland: in living rooms, in cafes, on message boards.

Those volunteers are the difference. You are the difference. You are the reason Scotland can and will be an independent nation - a necessary step if we are to build the sort of country we all know Scotland can and should be.
What you can do today

There are many ways you can get involved in the Yes campaign.
  • You can volunteer to carry out a range of vital campaign activities This will help us gather together the grassroots campaigners who will help us win.
  • You can find or set up an event to persuade people in your area to say Yes.
  • If people are looking for information about an independent Scotland, you can let them know about the Questions Answered section of the website.
  • And you can persuade your friends and family to sign the Yes declaration.

Thursday, 25 April 2013

YES for an independent Scotland

Scots, hame and awa'.......
Why would ye no' be proud of having your own country back after 400 years?

Thursday, 11 April 2013

No Return to the Past

15 years on from Agreement, there can be no going back —Adams


Commenting today on the 15thanniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, Sinn Féin Leader Gerry Adams said:

“The Good Friday Agreement came after many years of hard work and culminated in long night negotiations in Castle Buildings at Stormont.

“Internationally regarded as a successful example of conflict resolution, the Agreement represents an historic compromise between conflicting political positions, following decades of conflict.

“With stable power-sharing and all-Ireland institutions enjoying the support of the community, the North in particular has been transformed in the intervening period.

“A key difference between the Agreement and previous government-sponsored initiatives, all of which failed, is that the principle of equality is at its core.

“The power sharing structures have ensured the checks and balances necessary to prevent the political abuses and discrimination of the past.

“The Agreement has secured remarkable progress in the areas of policing and justice, demilitarisation and arms, discrimination and sectarianism, equality and human rights, and the Irish language.

“It also provides for a Border Poll to address the issue of Partition.

“Of course, any agreement is just a piece of paper. It needs political will to implement it and make its promise a reality.

“Further negotiations since 1998 have seen unionist political leaders seeking to minimise the implementation of the Agreement. As a result, and because of the failure of both governments to fulfill their obligations, outstanding issues remain.

“These include a Bill of Rights for the North which would offer protections for the most vulnerable and respect the diversity of our community.

“Other outstanding issues include an all-island Charter of Rights, establishment of the North-South Consultative Forum, introduction of an Acht na Gaeilge (Irish Language Act) and resolution of the issue of those people still ‘On The Run’ as a result of the conflict.

“The British Government has failed to act on its Weston Park commitment to hold an independent inquiry into the killing of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane. It has allowed a securocrat agenda to continue to abuse human rights — most clearly in the continued detention of Marian Price and Martin Corey.

“The people of this island need a genuine process of national reconciliation. This includes a victim-centered truth and reconciliation process.
“Sinn Féin believes that the best way of doing this is through the establishment of an Independent International Truth Commission. The two governments, former combatants and those in leadership across Ireland and Britain need to be part of this. There can be no hierarchy of victims.
“Fifteen years on there can be no going back. The tiny minorities who want to cling to the past must be rejected. Sectarianism must be tackled and ended.

“The promise of the Good Friday Agreement for a new society in which all citizens are respected, and where fairness and justice and equality are the guiding principles, has to be advanced.” CRÍOCH/END