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| Saturday 25th February 2012
Sunday 26th February
Friday 2nd March
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"The Nineteenth century saw a great Springtime of Nations as the revolutions of 1848 saw new countries created the length and breadth of Europe. In our world today we are now seeing our own Spring Awakening with people and cultures that have long been dormant and subdued asserting their right to exist, their right to dream." Adam Price MP
Wednesday, 29 February 2012
Dt David's Day Programme
Saturday, 18 February 2012
Scotland´s Great Debate
All you need to know.....
Q&A: Scottish independence referendum
The SNP wants to see the referendum take place in autumn 2014 Scotland's first minister, Alex Salmond, has announced plans to hold an independence referendum in the autumn of 2014.
It came as the UK government insisted it needed to grant additional powers to Scottish ministers to ensure any vote is legally watertight.
So what are the main issues facing Holyrood and Westminster as the issue goes forward?
Where are the origins of the independence movement in Scotland?
The campaign for Scottish home rule began in earnest almost as soon as the unification with England took place, in 1707.
At the time, the view was that Scotland was in desperate need of financial support, but opponents of the move were outraged by claims that the Scots who put their names to the Act of Union were bribed.
Scotland's Bard, Robert Burns, famously wrote: "We are bought and sold for English gold. Such a parcel of rogues in a nation."
Fast forward many years to 1934, and the establishment of the Scottish National Party, created through the amalgamation of the Scottish Party and the National Party of Scotland.
After decades of ups-and downs, the party won its first election in 2007 and, again, in 2011.
How has the independence debate moved on - or not - in recent years?
Scottish devolution in 1999 presented a significant opportunity for the SNP, which, despite having a few MPs, was struggling to make the case for independence at Westminster.
The prime minister at the time of devolution, Tony Blair, was aware of the potential opportunity a Scottish Parliament could give the SNP.
So Holyrood's part first-past-the-post, part PR voting system was intended to prevent any one party (ie the SNP) gaining an overall majority.
This was the case initially - up to the 2011 election there had been two terms of a Labour/Lib Dem coalition and one of an SNP minority government.
The 2011 result blew out of the water the claim once made by Labour veteran Lord Robertson that devolution would "kill nationalism stone dead".
Could the situation now be more akin to comments by another Labour stalwart, Tam Dalyell, who described devolution as "a motorway to independence with no U-turns and no exits?"
Does Scotland want independence?
Hard to say with any great certainty at the moment - while it's probably true to say support has grown, given the election result, a vote for the SNP does not necessarily mean a vote for independence.
Polling expert John Curtice says support for independence is somewhere between 32% and 38% - actually down from where it was at the start of the SNP's last term in office as a minority government.
A YouGov poll conducted in April 2011 put support lower than that - at 28% - with 57% opposed.
One of the reasons voters turned so decisively to the SNP last May was because they wanted an alternative to Labour and to punish the Liberal Democrats at the polls.
There are those who do not support independence, but recognised Alex Salmond was the best candidate for first minister - knowing they had the safety-cushion of voting "No" in the referendum.
In the Scottish Parliament elections of 1999 and 2003, Labour's plan to essentially scare people out of support for independence worked.
Now it seems the public are much less afraid, and, whether or not it's the case that majority support for independence exists, people seem much more willing to put it to the test in a referendum.
There are also many other factors which could affect support for independence - coalition spending cuts and the ability of Scotland to thrive as a small nation during the current global uncertainty, to name but two.
In terms of political backing at Holyrood, the SNP supports independence, as do the Greens and independent MSP Margo MacDonald, a former nationalist politician.
Labour, the Tories and the Liberal Democrats are opposed.
When will the referendum be held?
Previously, SNP leader Alex Salmond was only prepared to say the referendum would be held at some point in the second half of the Scottish Parliament's five-year term.
However, now says he wants it staged in the autumn of 2014.
Mr Salmond's opponents have long said the delay is creating great uncertainty to Scotland and its economy, although the first minister says loads of companies have been happy to invest in Scotland during recent months, including Dell, Amazon and Michelin.
Mr Salmond also said he was sticking to a manifesto pledge on his rough timescale - his opponents say this is because he knows he'd lose if the referendum was held now.
Prime Minister David Cameron has to tread a fine line. He may well think an earlier referendum increases the chances of Scotland staying in the Union.
But if the party, which has just one MP on Scotland, pushes too hard, it risks increasing support for independence, through accusations of a "London/Tory fix".
The SNP now has an overall majority in Scotland - why does it not simply declare independence?
The Nationalists have always taken the view that, on an issue of such significance, it would first need the backing of the Scottish people in a referendum.
It also needs this mandate to negotiate an independence settlement with the UK government.
So what is the UK government's role in the referendum?
Because constitutional matters are not devolved, Scottish Secretary Michael Moore says that any referendum held without Westminster backing would not be legally binding and, therefore, open to legal challenge.
Mr Moore says he recognises the SNP's right to hold the referendum, and wants to work with the Scottish government to ensure the correct powers are in place.
But the SNP has complained that Westminster is only making the offer "with strings attached" and argues it is trying to dictate the terms of a referendum - like the exact date or the content of the ballot paper - which is essentially none of its business.
One string which looks certain not to be attached is the notion of a so-called clarity clause in Westminster's Scotland Bill, to boost Holyrood powers.
The term takes its name from the Clarity Act, a law passed by the Canadian government which laid down detailed provisions for holding a referendum by Quebec, to help ensure the clear will of the people had been expressed.
What does Labour think?
Scottish Labour leader Johann Lamont - who is in favour of a single question - wants the referendum to be held as quickly as possible.
The party is also hoping calls for cross-party talks on the issue may hurry things along.
Henry McLeish, a former Labour Scottish first minister, says he's "concerned" at Mr Cameron's intervention and accused the PM of failing to understand the real issues involved.
He says the choice for Scotland should not be between full independence and the status quo, but a debate about increasing devolved powers for Scotland within the UK.
Can First Minister Alex Salmond refuse to co-operate with a Westminster timetable?
He could. The Scottish government insists it doesn't need any extra powers to hold a proper referendum, so there is a chance it could just go ahead regardless of what the Westminster coalition says.
Essentially the two sides are, for now, locked in a stalemate on the question of legality.
Professor Robert Hazell, professor of British Politics and Government and a director of the Constitutional Unit at University College London, said Mr Salmond had no direct say in what the UK government does because Westminster was "sovereign".
He added: "But he [Mr Salmond] can certainly sit on his hands if the UK government appears to have seized his ball. And the UK government is within very reasonable territory in insisting that a referendum was fair and legal.
"I'm less sure about their [Westminster] right to insist on the timing of the referendum and whether they are right to insist that the referendum is decisive."
How might a referendum work?
MSPs would need to pass a Referendum Bill in the Scottish Parliament.
There would then be a for-and-against campaign, like the one we saw for the AV referendum, before Scots voters went to the polls.
Who would oversee the campaign?
A contentious issue, this, which is gathering steam by the day.
It may seem that the obvious choice would be the Electoral Commission, an independent watchdog with recognised expertise in such issues, and whose values are "fairness, impartiality and "transparency".
But the SNP says the body is accountable to Westminster and not Holyrood and its board are appointed politically.
The Scottish government says it would much rather see a new body set up to keep an eye on proceedings.
Would voters simply be asked whether they wanted independence?
It's nowhere near as simple as that.
Because the Scottish Parliament does, in itself, not have the authority to declare Scotland an independent country, a "Yes" vote in the referendum would mark the start of talks with the UK government.
Of course, if the Scottish people speak up for independence, it makes it all but impossible for Westminster ministers to say: "No, you can't have it."
The SNP had previously indicated the question on the ballot paper would go something like: "The Scottish Parliament should negotiate a new settlement with the British government, based on the proposals set out in the white paper, so that Scotland becomes a sovereign and independent state."
The responses would be "Yes I agree" or "No I disagree".
However, Alex Slamond has now attempted to cut through that discussion, by asking a simple question: "Do you agree that Scotland should be an independent country?".
What about the "second question" and what is devo-max?
In the last parliament, when the SNP was a minority government, it tried to get enough support for a referendum with Lib Dem votes, offering the olive branch of a second question on the ballot paper on increased powers for the Scottish Parliament.
Ultimately, they didn't go for it, citing the offer as a red herring.
The term "devolution max" has reared its head more recently - nobody is entirely sure what it means, but broadly refers to significant new powers for Holyrood, short of independence.
That might include full fiscal powers.
Westminster is thought to favour a straight yes/no vote on independence.
The SNP is of a similar view, but says there is also "a significant body of opinion" in Scotland which wants more powers.
Backing for such a move may also save the SNP from oblivion, should Scots voters say no to independence.
There is also a fear at Westminster that devo-max will be harder to defeat, because it splits the unionist vote and wins over those who otherwise would have said no to full independence.
What happens in the event of a 'Yes' Vote?
Talks would begin with the UK government on a constitutional settlement, based on the SNP's declaration of a popular mandate from the Scottish people.
It's hard to say exactly how things would happen, given this would be new territory, but it's likely the timescale from a "Yes" vote to full independence would be lengthy, given the huge number of issues which would need to be resolved.
Defence would be the main one - especially since Britain's nuclear weapons are based at the Faslane naval base on the Clyde.
It's also clear that, as things currently stand, an independent Scotland would continue to use the pound, at least initially, as its currency.
Mr Salmond would like to join the Euro - but that's not exactly an attractive prospect at the moment.
What happens if there is a 'No' Vote? Would there be another referendum?
Alex Salmond has described the independence referendum as a once-in-a-generation event.
All the parties - unionist and pro-independence - are keen to avoid the situation which has unfolded in the Canadian province of Quebec, where debate over multiple independence referenda over the years has been dubbed the "neverendum".
At worst, a "No" result in the referendum could spell the end for the SNP as a mainstream political force.
It's also likely that focus would shift back to the debate over more powers for Holyrood - with full fiscal autonomy, as opposed to relying on the Treasury block grant, probably becoming a more serious option.
What does the Scottish government do now?
The Scottish cabinet is finalising its referendum document, which will form the basis of a consultation paper to be published later this month, where the public gets a say.
This is the vehicle by which the SNP hopes to demonstrate that there is enough public support for a second question.
But don't expect it to contain a list of possible referendum dates.
What about the alternative debate on more powers for the Scottish Parliament, short of independence?
Westminster is currently considering the previously mentioned Scotland Bill, which will deliver new financial powers worth £12bn, allowing Scotland to control a third of its budget under a new Scottish-set income tax and borrowing regime.
It came about as a result of the Calman Commission to review devolution 10 years on, backed by a vote of the pro-union parties at Holyrood.
The SNP was never keen to engage with the Scotland Bill debate, saying a "pocket money parliament" under Westminster control was not the way forward.
Monday, 13 February 2012
An Unaffordable Petition
I have been requested to post the following:
Dear Geoff Ifans,
Thank you for signing the "No to 12,000 unafforable houses in Wrecsam" petition at iPetitions.com.
Your signature is valuable and makes a real difference. Please encourage others to sign the petition as well. Forward the text below to everyone who might be interested:
------- FORWARD THIS TO YOUR FRIENDS -------
Hi,
I wanted to draw your attention to this important petition that I recently signed:
"No to 12,000 unafforable houses in Wrecsam"
http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/wrecsam/?utm_medium=email&utm_source=system&utm_campaign=Send%2Bto%2BFriend
I really think this is an important cause, and I'd like to encourage you to add your signature, too. It's free and takes just a few seconds of your time.
Thanks!
------------------------------
p.s. If you would like to start your own free petition, you can do so at
http://www.ipetitions.com/start-petition?utm_medium=email&utm_source=system&utm_campaign=Thank%2Byou
Dear Geoff Ifans,
Thank you for signing the "No to 12,000 unafforable houses in Wrecsam" petition at iPetitions.com.
Your signature is valuable and makes a real difference. Please encourage others to sign the petition as well. Forward the text below to everyone who might be interested:
------- FORWARD THIS TO YOUR FRIENDS -------
Hi,
I wanted to draw your attention to this important petition that I recently signed:
"No to 12,000 unafforable houses in Wrecsam"
http://www.ipetitions.com/petition/wrecsam/?utm_medium=email&utm_source=system&utm_campaign=Send%2Bto%2BFriend
I really think this is an important cause, and I'd like to encourage you to add your signature, too. It's free and takes just a few seconds of your time.
Thanks!
------------------------------
p.s. If you would like to start your own free petition, you can do so at
http://www.ipetitions.com/start-petition?utm_medium=email&utm_source=system&utm_campaign=Thank%2Byou
Wednesday, 8 February 2012
Shifting Sands of Time - Disuniting Britain
Queen Elizabeth's shifting United Kingdom
She has been on the throne for six decades, becoming the British monarch at the age of 25. And over those 60 years, Queen Elizabeth the Second has overseen epic change within the commonwealth and beyond. And from quarreling colonies to domestic disputes among her children much of it has been .. challenging and unpredictable. Now as the celebrations marking the Diamond Jubilee begin, she presides over a Kingdom at odds with itself. Scotland plans a secessionist referendum in two short years and some political leaders in Wales are eyeing the same prize.
Queen Elizabeth's shifting United Kingdom - Leanne Wood
Well, today church bells ring out across Canada to mark Queen Elizabeth's diamond jubilee. And as they do, that's what we imagine the monarch might be thinking to herself. Sixty years into her rule, a strong independence movement in Scotland and a weaker effort in Wales are challenging the 'united' in 'United Kingdom' ... leaving many to wonder whether they will remain part of Her Majesty's realm. Scotland intends to hold a referendum on independence in late 2014.
Welsh nationalism is not as organized, but polls suggest a large minority of the Welsh would vote to secede if asked. Freelance journalist Gilbert John took to the streets of Carmarthen in Southwest Wales to try to gauge the strength of the nationalist sentiment there. We aired a clip.
Our next guest says there's no better time than now to talk about an independent Wales. Leanne Wood is running for the leadership of the Welsh Nationalist Party, Plaid Cymru, or the Party of Wales, and she was in Cardiff.
Queen Elizabeth's shifting United Kingdom - Richard Wyn Jones
Our next guest believes there's likely not enough support for a Republic of Wales, but the sentiment shift means the United Kingdom is nevertheless likely to face change. Richard Wyn Jones is the Director of the Wales Governance Centre at Cardiff University and an expert on the Welsh political scene. He was in Cardiff.
Well, if one day Wales does choose sovereignty, the Welsh heart throb Tom Jones and his rendition of Land of My Fathers could well become the anthem of the New Welsh Republic. It is, after all, the Welsh national anthem today. So we ended this segment with a bit of Tom Jones' rendition of Land of My Fathers.
This half-hour was produced by The Current's Pacinthe Mattar, Howard Goldenthal and Halifax Network Producer, Mary Lynk.
Related Links:
•Could Wales leave the United Kingdom? By: John Harris - The Guardian
•Britain after the break-up By: Carwyn Jones - The Guardian
•Voters would say "No" to an independent Wales: poll By: Matt Withers - Wales Online
Welsh Labour does not like Tory domination from Westminster!
Britain after the break-upDevolution demands a new constitutional settlement, perhaps even a US-style senate
Carwyn Jones
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 1 February 2012 20.30 GMT Article history
As devolution deepens and Scotland considers independence it may be time to replace the House of Lords with an elected, US-style, senate. Photograph: Tim Graham/Getty Images
There is a stark choice before us: on the one hand we have a new vision for Britain, on the other nothing less than the break-up of the United Kingdom. We cannot allow this important debate to be dominated by the SNP. Likewise, it cannot be addressed by a "Little England" mentality which seeks to build walls around the Tory heartland. That is why I've called for a convention to debate a new constitutional settlement for Britain. This is not just overdue, but is now a political and constitutional imperative.
In 1997, the example of Scotland helped give the people of Wales the confidence to vote "yes". Since then, both countries have made devolution work to the benefit of our people. A Welsh Labour government led the way by introducing free prescriptions, and free bus travel for pensioners and disabled people, while Scotland found a more generous approach to student tuition fees.
We have learned from each other, adapting policies to suit our own situations – delivering different approaches to meet our respective needs and aspirations. Wales does not need independence to follow a progressive path. However, devolution has to deliver, and the UK government must play its part, if we are to remain a constitutional entity. In Whitehall, devolution has for too long been viewed as a sideshow, a distraction. However, as we are now witnessing, this approach has failed spectacularly. Old certainties are being shaken by the independence debate in Scotland. I believe a constitutional convention will allow us to begin to redefine a modern UK and to reshape the context in which we all co-exist.There should now be an open debate about how the UK might function more responsively to the needs of its constituent nations. It must consider all options. I don't want the UK to break up into different parts, but it is better we consider this possibility now and not in two years' time. You can't just take Scotland out and expect the UK to continue as before.
One option could be for the House of Commons to be balanced by a new upper house with equal representation from England, Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland. This newly shaped Lords would be similar to the Senate in the United States. I realise this would move us to a more federal structure, but it would allow full and equal representation of the individual nations.
However, this re-definition and re-shaping is not just the responsibility of the government, parliament and the devolved nations. There is a heavy onus now on the fourth estate too. The coverage of the regions in the London-based media is woefully inadequate.
Lip-service is often paid to informing and educating readers, listeners and viewers as to what devolution is and what it means to constituent parts of the UK. But health and education stories, for example, emanating from London, almost always ignore the fact that Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have their own control over what happens in those devolved areas of responsibility. Even after a decade of devolution, an unwillingness to accept our "differences" prevails.
If the media don't respect, reflect and report on a devolved UK, is it any wonder that the break-up of our country is now being debated? I believe it's time for us all to lay our cards on the table. We need to accept that devolution is here to stay and will, in all likelihood, deepen in the years ahead. This is not a reason to fear and retreat – this is a reason to celebrate. However, this can only be done through the auspices of a constitutional convention.
The time has arrived for the UK as a whole to define itself. Only then can we move forward to the satisfaction of all our people and secure the modern and dynamic state we deserve.
Could Wales leave the United Kingdom? Talk of independence is growing –
and the referendum in Scotland in 2014 is eagerly awaited.
But could Wales really break free from England – and stand on its own?
John Harris
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 1 February 2012 20.00 GMT Article history
Breakaway state? Photograph: Corbis RF/Alamy
Leanne Wood is rather different from most of the UK's politicians. Forty years old and a mother of one, she still lives in the same street in the Rhondda Valley where she was born and brought up. She thinks the crash of 2008 should have "resulted in the rejection of capitalism and many of its basic economic and political assumptions", and that the UK's coalition amounts to a "hyper-competitive, imperial/militaristic, climate-change-ignoring and privatising government". She is also a proud republican, who refuses to attend the kind of official events at which the Queen turns up, and was once thrown out of the Welsh Assembly for referring to the reigning monarch as "Mrs Windsor". If any of this chimes with your general view of what's wrong with the world, it's fair to say that you'd like her.
If Wood pursued her political career in Westminster, her opinions might ensure she was kept safely on the fringes. But in her home country, she is a high-profile voice – and the current favourite to take over the leadership of Plaid Cymru, the nationalist party who, until 2011, shared power in Wales with Labour. With the result due on 15 March, Paddy Power has 4-5 odds on to win; in her Cardiff office, there is a sense of quiet expectancy.
The prospect of life as party leader is not the only reason for her air of energised enthusiasm. Being a senior Plaid Cymru figure, Wood believes in Welsh independence. And with Scotland set to vote on whether to stay part of the UK in 2014 and the future of the union being argued over as never before, Wood and her fellow Welsh nationalists think there is an unprecedented opening for the most fundamental of their beliefs. Certainly, if Scotland makes the leap and leaves a rump United Kingdom of England, Wales and Northern Ireland ("Little Britain", as it's recently become known), Wales's marginal position will be self-evident: it will have 30 Westminster MPs to England's 502, and bump against the political and economic dominance of the English south-east as never before. With that grim prospect on the horizon, Wood thinks these could be fertile times for her and her party.
Membership of Plaid has gone up 23% in the past four months. And while its senior politicians once held that pointed talk about independence was a vote-loser, all four of the current leadership candidates are falling over themselves to underline their vision of a Wales finally free from the English yoke.
Leanne Wood, one of four candidates in the running for the leadership of Plaid Cymru. Photograph: David Levene for the Guardian "Before," Wood explains, "the question of independence was a bit of an anorak issue. But now it's in the mainstream: it isn't something that's such an impossible dream. It's now tangible for Wales: we're in a position to be able to start talking about independence in a normalised way. There's still a lot of debate to be had: I think they're further ahead than us in Scotland. But I think now is a good time for the debate, because of what's happening with the economic crisis. People are being squeezed, and the future looks pretty grim. I'm sensing that people are looking for an alternative solution. And I think that independence is potentially it."
So she thinks these are exciting times? "Yeah, yeah. Everything's up for grabs, isn't it?"
As if to underline the idea that politics in Wales defies the staid norms of Westminster, both front-runners in the Plaid leadership contest are women. Wood's closest rival is 45-year-old Elin Jones from west Wales, whose odds of winning are currently put at evens. She is a much more strait-laced presence, but is equally convinced that the next few years could jump-start the case for Welsh independence. "If Scotland becomes an independent country, the UK ceases to exist," she tells me. "You get a combination of England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Now, is that a country? Well, no, it's definitely not a country. Is it a state? It's so imbalanced that you couldn't make it up if you were starting from scratch. All that calls into question a huge number of issues about the future of what might be left, post-2014.
"I've said quite clearly that over the next 12 months I want to see us define a route map for independence in Wales," she says. "Two consecutive Plaid Cymru victories in an election could trigger an independence referendum. That could happen as early as 2020."
This, undoubtedly, is over-excited talk – but if you buy the idea that the UK is fracturing, and that Alex Salmond's success may not represent the only proof, there is still a specific Welsh story to tell. It may not point to independence – nor, given that large swaths of Wales remain firmly dominated by Labour, mean any huge advance for Plaid Cymru. But it says a lot about the increasingly separate journeys taken by Wales, Scotland and England, and the hugely uncertain future the UK now faces.
Not that many English people have been paying much attention, but since the late 1990s, devolution has inevitably created a specific and self-contained Welsh politics. Last year, a referendum granted the Welsh government full law-making powers in 20 fundamental areas, from health to transport, and an official commission is now looking at extending devolution yet further. On arriving here, you only need glance at the Western Mail to get an instant sense of a different reality: on the day I visit, the front page is taken up by stories about the Cardiff-produced Doctor Who, and the Welsh soccer star Craig Bellamy, along with the injured rugby internationals Dan Lydiate, Gethin Jenkins and Rhys Priestland, and Welsh first minister Carwyn Jones's latest attack on the coalition in London. "Dragging Wales to edge of double-dip recession," says the splash. "First minister hits out at UK government."
Big policy differences between Cardiff and Westminster extend into the distance. There are no Sats tests in Welsh schools, and until they are seven, children in primary education follow a "foundation phase" based on ideas from Finland and Italy, and built around "play and active involvement rather than completing exercises in books". Prescriptions are free, and the Welsh NHS will be unaffected by Andrew Lansley's market-based revolution. When the coalition in London raised tuition fees to £9,000, the government in Cardiff guaranteed to meet the cost of the increase for any student who lives in Wales. As with Scotland, there is a sharp sense of a shared politics well to the left of what prevails in England: I lived in Wales between 2004 and 2009, and though its brand of Celtic social democracy is far from perfect, there's a palpable sense of a society run along kinder, more communitarian ideas than those that hold sway to the east.
Carwyn Jones, first minister of Wales. Photograph: David Levene for the Guardian That said, drawing comparisons between Wales and Scotland is something of a fool's game. With no separate legal system, nor any latent memory of self-government, the politics of Welsh nationhood is in its infancy. Partly because of its traditionally symbiotic relationship with campaigning on the Welsh language, support for independence here has always hovered at around 10%, and found little echo in the post-industrial, English-speaking south-east of the country, by far Wales's most populous region. There is a strong case for the idea that Plaid Cymru is getting rather ahead of itself: at last year's elections for the Welsh Assembly, it came third, behind the Tories, on a not exactly earth-shaking 19% of the main vote.
But still, the path Wales has taken since devolution has led to completely virgin territory: and to hear some people talk, that means that no outcome – including independence – should necessarily be ruled out.
"It's now possible for Welsh people to think of themselves as genuine citizens of Wales," says John Osmond, the director of Cardiff thinktank the Institute of Welsh Affairs. "Don't get me wrong: Welsh people have always felt their Welshness intensely. But until this generation, they felt it in ways that prevented them having any sense of unity around the idea of Wales. They felt their Welshness very strongly in terms of language – but that divided them, because it depended on whether you spoke it. They felt it in terms of a strong sense of place – but that didn't mean Wales, it meant specifically where you're from, which again was divisive. But a civic identity is something people share equally. That's what Scots have always had, whereas the Welsh have never had it until now. People have a new sense of what it is to be Welsh ... And, on the whole, they like it."
Carwyn Jones – who, let us not forget, is the Labour party's most powerful British politician – could probably walk around any English town or city unrecognised. But as first minister, he has a crucial role to play in any conversation about how the UK might be remodelled, with or without Scotland. In response to Alex Salmond's manouevres, he has recently been out on the prowl himself, thinking aloud about what Scottish independence might mean for his country, and suggesting radical changes to the way that Britain's institutions work. On this score, Welsh Labour politicians have tended to think a bit more creatively than many of their Scottish counterparts: here, nationalism, at least with a small "n", runs much wider than the official nationalist party.
I meet Jones in his gleamingly modern suite of offices in the Welsh assembly building. He offers the obligatory statement of support for the UK – "I sincerely hope Scotland doesn't become independent" – and then gets to work, setting out what would happen if Scotland went its own way.
"You'd then have England, Wales and Northern Ireland," he says, "and you couldn't just carry on with the structure as it is now. Potentially, you'd have 550 MPs, more than 500 of whom would be from England. That clearly doesn't work. So there'd need to be a rethink about the nature of the relationship of the three nations." Already, he has suggested replacing the House of Lords with a chamber split evenly between the UK's constituent countries. "You'd have a lower house selected on population and an upper house selected on geography, so there's equal representation. That's something we could look at now. The US does exactly that, and the US is stable.
"All this is not without its complications," he counsels. "It would need a written constitution, there's no question about that. But I do think we're heading towards that situation, in order for the UK to work properly in the 21st century and beyond, and for the people of Scotland to feel that they're fully part of the UK. The reality is, if we want the UK to stay together, can we afford to have a constitutional structure based on the 19th century as we go into the 21st century?"
Does he accept that the Scots leaving would inevitably increase support for Welsh independence?
"Not necessarily, because the first questions people ask are: 'Can we afford it? Is this in our financial interests?' And it's not. The reality is that we spend more than we raise in tax, so there is a subsidy element of money that comes from the south-east of England – not just to Wales, but to, say, the north-east of England. Financially, there's no advantage to it."
This reminds me a little of the essentially pessimistic approach that Scottish Labour politicians took to the rise and rise of Alex Salmond, only to see themselves ruined by one of politics' most underrated rules: that it's the optimists who win. Is it a good enough argument?
"I think it is. What people are concerned about now is jobs, security, houses, opportunities for young people. And the view of by far the largest chunk of the people of Wales is that in terms of the economy, independence would make things far worse."
For anyone who wants to make the serious case for Welsh independence, this is a major obstacle to get over. Of the Welsh workforce, 27.5% is employed by the public sector, and according to some estimates, government spending accounts for as much as 70% of Wales's national income. In short, as Jones says, far more is spent by the state in Wales than is raised in tax – and in the absence of assets as handsome as North Sea oil and gas, the case for independence contains a gaping hole. You need only drive around the classically post-industrial expanses of south Wales – where the economy seems split between the state and big chain stores – to grasp the deep problems that afflict them, and how difficult any plan for economic revival would be.
Wood has her own answer, arguing that Wales has long suffered from being "on the periphery of an economy that is mainly focused on London and the south-east of England and which overheats, to the detriment of the peripheral areas". In her campaign material, she cites claims that "Wales's economic development is typical of other colonial/extractive economies like those in Latin America". Some of her ideas about creating a new Welsh economy are condensed in a document she calls a "Greenprint" for her native south Wales valleys, which draws on examples set by the Basque region and the Danish island of Samso, and sets out a vision of "food sovereignty" and "self-sufficiency". In its sheer audacity, it's certainly breathtaking. But getting anywhere near it would involve a lot of short-to-medium-term hardship, wouldn't it?
"But we're enduring the hardship now, aren't we?" she counters. "Because there are so many people employed in the public sector in Wales, we're already taking a bigger hit from austerity. And if that continues – and I can't see any light at the end of the tunnel, any sign that the Tories' measures are turning the situation round – things are going to get worse and worse, and there are going to be big gaps opening up in the welfare state. So a plan like this is really the only chance we've got."
Back on the English side of the border, I put in a call to Cardiff University's Richard Wyn Jones, an expert on the Welsh political scene, whose most recent work is a pored-over report focusing on rising resentment over post-devolution tensions among a group of people much overlooked in the noise about the UK's future: the English.
"What all this might mean for England is the ultimate issue for Wales," he tells me, before we return to so-called Little Britain, and the scenario of a hacked-down United Kingdom of England, Wales and Northern Ireland.
"What's in Little Britain for England?" he asks. "Northern Ireland is a problem and a financial drain; Wales may not be a problem, but it's a financial drain as well. It might get to, 'Why do we subsidise the Welsh and the Northern Irish? All they do is complain – what do we get out of it?' There's a big question about what that could mean for public spending, and the willingness for transfer money, and all those kind of issues.
"I'm not a prophet," he tells me, "but clearly, it might be very, very difficult." What he says points not to some shining new Welsh dawn, but a much more troubling prospect: turbulence and strife, with no clear resolution. As the song goes, hanging on in quiet desperation is the English way – but it could be the future of Wales, too.
Independence is just over the horizon - join in the debate.........
She has been on the throne for six decades, becoming the British monarch at the age of 25. And over those 60 years, Queen Elizabeth the Second has overseen epic change within the commonwealth and beyond. And from quarreling colonies to domestic disputes among her children much of it has been .. challenging and unpredictable. Now as the celebrations marking the Diamond Jubilee begin, she presides over a Kingdom at odds with itself. Scotland plans a secessionist referendum in two short years and some political leaders in Wales are eyeing the same prize.
Queen Elizabeth's shifting United Kingdom - Leanne Wood
Well, today church bells ring out across Canada to mark Queen Elizabeth's diamond jubilee. And as they do, that's what we imagine the monarch might be thinking to herself. Sixty years into her rule, a strong independence movement in Scotland and a weaker effort in Wales are challenging the 'united' in 'United Kingdom' ... leaving many to wonder whether they will remain part of Her Majesty's realm. Scotland intends to hold a referendum on independence in late 2014.
Welsh nationalism is not as organized, but polls suggest a large minority of the Welsh would vote to secede if asked. Freelance journalist Gilbert John took to the streets of Carmarthen in Southwest Wales to try to gauge the strength of the nationalist sentiment there. We aired a clip.
Our next guest says there's no better time than now to talk about an independent Wales. Leanne Wood is running for the leadership of the Welsh Nationalist Party, Plaid Cymru, or the Party of Wales, and she was in Cardiff.
Queen Elizabeth's shifting United Kingdom - Richard Wyn Jones
Our next guest believes there's likely not enough support for a Republic of Wales, but the sentiment shift means the United Kingdom is nevertheless likely to face change. Richard Wyn Jones is the Director of the Wales Governance Centre at Cardiff University and an expert on the Welsh political scene. He was in Cardiff.
Well, if one day Wales does choose sovereignty, the Welsh heart throb Tom Jones and his rendition of Land of My Fathers could well become the anthem of the New Welsh Republic. It is, after all, the Welsh national anthem today. So we ended this segment with a bit of Tom Jones' rendition of Land of My Fathers.
This half-hour was produced by The Current's Pacinthe Mattar, Howard Goldenthal and Halifax Network Producer, Mary Lynk.
Related Links:
•Could Wales leave the United Kingdom? By: John Harris - The Guardian
•Britain after the break-up By: Carwyn Jones - The Guardian
•Voters would say "No" to an independent Wales: poll By: Matt Withers - Wales Online
Welsh Labour does not like Tory domination from Westminster!
Britain after the break-upDevolution demands a new constitutional settlement, perhaps even a US-style senate
Carwyn Jones
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 1 February 2012 20.30 GMT Article history
As devolution deepens and Scotland considers independence it may be time to replace the House of Lords with an elected, US-style, senate. Photograph: Tim Graham/Getty Images
There is a stark choice before us: on the one hand we have a new vision for Britain, on the other nothing less than the break-up of the United Kingdom. We cannot allow this important debate to be dominated by the SNP. Likewise, it cannot be addressed by a "Little England" mentality which seeks to build walls around the Tory heartland. That is why I've called for a convention to debate a new constitutional settlement for Britain. This is not just overdue, but is now a political and constitutional imperative.
In 1997, the example of Scotland helped give the people of Wales the confidence to vote "yes". Since then, both countries have made devolution work to the benefit of our people. A Welsh Labour government led the way by introducing free prescriptions, and free bus travel for pensioners and disabled people, while Scotland found a more generous approach to student tuition fees.
We have learned from each other, adapting policies to suit our own situations – delivering different approaches to meet our respective needs and aspirations. Wales does not need independence to follow a progressive path. However, devolution has to deliver, and the UK government must play its part, if we are to remain a constitutional entity. In Whitehall, devolution has for too long been viewed as a sideshow, a distraction. However, as we are now witnessing, this approach has failed spectacularly. Old certainties are being shaken by the independence debate in Scotland. I believe a constitutional convention will allow us to begin to redefine a modern UK and to reshape the context in which we all co-exist.There should now be an open debate about how the UK might function more responsively to the needs of its constituent nations. It must consider all options. I don't want the UK to break up into different parts, but it is better we consider this possibility now and not in two years' time. You can't just take Scotland out and expect the UK to continue as before.
One option could be for the House of Commons to be balanced by a new upper house with equal representation from England, Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland. This newly shaped Lords would be similar to the Senate in the United States. I realise this would move us to a more federal structure, but it would allow full and equal representation of the individual nations.
However, this re-definition and re-shaping is not just the responsibility of the government, parliament and the devolved nations. There is a heavy onus now on the fourth estate too. The coverage of the regions in the London-based media is woefully inadequate.
Lip-service is often paid to informing and educating readers, listeners and viewers as to what devolution is and what it means to constituent parts of the UK. But health and education stories, for example, emanating from London, almost always ignore the fact that Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have their own control over what happens in those devolved areas of responsibility. Even after a decade of devolution, an unwillingness to accept our "differences" prevails.
If the media don't respect, reflect and report on a devolved UK, is it any wonder that the break-up of our country is now being debated? I believe it's time for us all to lay our cards on the table. We need to accept that devolution is here to stay and will, in all likelihood, deepen in the years ahead. This is not a reason to fear and retreat – this is a reason to celebrate. However, this can only be done through the auspices of a constitutional convention.
The time has arrived for the UK as a whole to define itself. Only then can we move forward to the satisfaction of all our people and secure the modern and dynamic state we deserve.
Could Wales leave the United Kingdom? Talk of independence is growing –
and the referendum in Scotland in 2014 is eagerly awaited.
But could Wales really break free from England – and stand on its own?
John Harris
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 1 February 2012 20.00 GMT Article history
Breakaway state? Photograph: Corbis RF/Alamy
Leanne Wood is rather different from most of the UK's politicians. Forty years old and a mother of one, she still lives in the same street in the Rhondda Valley where she was born and brought up. She thinks the crash of 2008 should have "resulted in the rejection of capitalism and many of its basic economic and political assumptions", and that the UK's coalition amounts to a "hyper-competitive, imperial/militaristic, climate-change-ignoring and privatising government". She is also a proud republican, who refuses to attend the kind of official events at which the Queen turns up, and was once thrown out of the Welsh Assembly for referring to the reigning monarch as "Mrs Windsor". If any of this chimes with your general view of what's wrong with the world, it's fair to say that you'd like her.
If Wood pursued her political career in Westminster, her opinions might ensure she was kept safely on the fringes. But in her home country, she is a high-profile voice – and the current favourite to take over the leadership of Plaid Cymru, the nationalist party who, until 2011, shared power in Wales with Labour. With the result due on 15 March, Paddy Power has 4-5 odds on to win; in her Cardiff office, there is a sense of quiet expectancy.
The prospect of life as party leader is not the only reason for her air of energised enthusiasm. Being a senior Plaid Cymru figure, Wood believes in Welsh independence. And with Scotland set to vote on whether to stay part of the UK in 2014 and the future of the union being argued over as never before, Wood and her fellow Welsh nationalists think there is an unprecedented opening for the most fundamental of their beliefs. Certainly, if Scotland makes the leap and leaves a rump United Kingdom of England, Wales and Northern Ireland ("Little Britain", as it's recently become known), Wales's marginal position will be self-evident: it will have 30 Westminster MPs to England's 502, and bump against the political and economic dominance of the English south-east as never before. With that grim prospect on the horizon, Wood thinks these could be fertile times for her and her party.
Membership of Plaid has gone up 23% in the past four months. And while its senior politicians once held that pointed talk about independence was a vote-loser, all four of the current leadership candidates are falling over themselves to underline their vision of a Wales finally free from the English yoke.
Leanne Wood, one of four candidates in the running for the leadership of Plaid Cymru. Photograph: David Levene for the Guardian "Before," Wood explains, "the question of independence was a bit of an anorak issue. But now it's in the mainstream: it isn't something that's such an impossible dream. It's now tangible for Wales: we're in a position to be able to start talking about independence in a normalised way. There's still a lot of debate to be had: I think they're further ahead than us in Scotland. But I think now is a good time for the debate, because of what's happening with the economic crisis. People are being squeezed, and the future looks pretty grim. I'm sensing that people are looking for an alternative solution. And I think that independence is potentially it."
So she thinks these are exciting times? "Yeah, yeah. Everything's up for grabs, isn't it?"
As if to underline the idea that politics in Wales defies the staid norms of Westminster, both front-runners in the Plaid leadership contest are women. Wood's closest rival is 45-year-old Elin Jones from west Wales, whose odds of winning are currently put at evens. She is a much more strait-laced presence, but is equally convinced that the next few years could jump-start the case for Welsh independence. "If Scotland becomes an independent country, the UK ceases to exist," she tells me. "You get a combination of England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Now, is that a country? Well, no, it's definitely not a country. Is it a state? It's so imbalanced that you couldn't make it up if you were starting from scratch. All that calls into question a huge number of issues about the future of what might be left, post-2014.
"I've said quite clearly that over the next 12 months I want to see us define a route map for independence in Wales," she says. "Two consecutive Plaid Cymru victories in an election could trigger an independence referendum. That could happen as early as 2020."
This, undoubtedly, is over-excited talk – but if you buy the idea that the UK is fracturing, and that Alex Salmond's success may not represent the only proof, there is still a specific Welsh story to tell. It may not point to independence – nor, given that large swaths of Wales remain firmly dominated by Labour, mean any huge advance for Plaid Cymru. But it says a lot about the increasingly separate journeys taken by Wales, Scotland and England, and the hugely uncertain future the UK now faces.
Not that many English people have been paying much attention, but since the late 1990s, devolution has inevitably created a specific and self-contained Welsh politics. Last year, a referendum granted the Welsh government full law-making powers in 20 fundamental areas, from health to transport, and an official commission is now looking at extending devolution yet further. On arriving here, you only need glance at the Western Mail to get an instant sense of a different reality: on the day I visit, the front page is taken up by stories about the Cardiff-produced Doctor Who, and the Welsh soccer star Craig Bellamy, along with the injured rugby internationals Dan Lydiate, Gethin Jenkins and Rhys Priestland, and Welsh first minister Carwyn Jones's latest attack on the coalition in London. "Dragging Wales to edge of double-dip recession," says the splash. "First minister hits out at UK government."
Big policy differences between Cardiff and Westminster extend into the distance. There are no Sats tests in Welsh schools, and until they are seven, children in primary education follow a "foundation phase" based on ideas from Finland and Italy, and built around "play and active involvement rather than completing exercises in books". Prescriptions are free, and the Welsh NHS will be unaffected by Andrew Lansley's market-based revolution. When the coalition in London raised tuition fees to £9,000, the government in Cardiff guaranteed to meet the cost of the increase for any student who lives in Wales. As with Scotland, there is a sharp sense of a shared politics well to the left of what prevails in England: I lived in Wales between 2004 and 2009, and though its brand of Celtic social democracy is far from perfect, there's a palpable sense of a society run along kinder, more communitarian ideas than those that hold sway to the east.
Carwyn Jones, first minister of Wales. Photograph: David Levene for the Guardian That said, drawing comparisons between Wales and Scotland is something of a fool's game. With no separate legal system, nor any latent memory of self-government, the politics of Welsh nationhood is in its infancy. Partly because of its traditionally symbiotic relationship with campaigning on the Welsh language, support for independence here has always hovered at around 10%, and found little echo in the post-industrial, English-speaking south-east of the country, by far Wales's most populous region. There is a strong case for the idea that Plaid Cymru is getting rather ahead of itself: at last year's elections for the Welsh Assembly, it came third, behind the Tories, on a not exactly earth-shaking 19% of the main vote.
But still, the path Wales has taken since devolution has led to completely virgin territory: and to hear some people talk, that means that no outcome – including independence – should necessarily be ruled out.
"It's now possible for Welsh people to think of themselves as genuine citizens of Wales," says John Osmond, the director of Cardiff thinktank the Institute of Welsh Affairs. "Don't get me wrong: Welsh people have always felt their Welshness intensely. But until this generation, they felt it in ways that prevented them having any sense of unity around the idea of Wales. They felt their Welshness very strongly in terms of language – but that divided them, because it depended on whether you spoke it. They felt it in terms of a strong sense of place – but that didn't mean Wales, it meant specifically where you're from, which again was divisive. But a civic identity is something people share equally. That's what Scots have always had, whereas the Welsh have never had it until now. People have a new sense of what it is to be Welsh ... And, on the whole, they like it."
Carwyn Jones – who, let us not forget, is the Labour party's most powerful British politician – could probably walk around any English town or city unrecognised. But as first minister, he has a crucial role to play in any conversation about how the UK might be remodelled, with or without Scotland. In response to Alex Salmond's manouevres, he has recently been out on the prowl himself, thinking aloud about what Scottish independence might mean for his country, and suggesting radical changes to the way that Britain's institutions work. On this score, Welsh Labour politicians have tended to think a bit more creatively than many of their Scottish counterparts: here, nationalism, at least with a small "n", runs much wider than the official nationalist party.
I meet Jones in his gleamingly modern suite of offices in the Welsh assembly building. He offers the obligatory statement of support for the UK – "I sincerely hope Scotland doesn't become independent" – and then gets to work, setting out what would happen if Scotland went its own way.
"You'd then have England, Wales and Northern Ireland," he says, "and you couldn't just carry on with the structure as it is now. Potentially, you'd have 550 MPs, more than 500 of whom would be from England. That clearly doesn't work. So there'd need to be a rethink about the nature of the relationship of the three nations." Already, he has suggested replacing the House of Lords with a chamber split evenly between the UK's constituent countries. "You'd have a lower house selected on population and an upper house selected on geography, so there's equal representation. That's something we could look at now. The US does exactly that, and the US is stable.
"All this is not without its complications," he counsels. "It would need a written constitution, there's no question about that. But I do think we're heading towards that situation, in order for the UK to work properly in the 21st century and beyond, and for the people of Scotland to feel that they're fully part of the UK. The reality is, if we want the UK to stay together, can we afford to have a constitutional structure based on the 19th century as we go into the 21st century?"
Does he accept that the Scots leaving would inevitably increase support for Welsh independence?
"Not necessarily, because the first questions people ask are: 'Can we afford it? Is this in our financial interests?' And it's not. The reality is that we spend more than we raise in tax, so there is a subsidy element of money that comes from the south-east of England – not just to Wales, but to, say, the north-east of England. Financially, there's no advantage to it."
This reminds me a little of the essentially pessimistic approach that Scottish Labour politicians took to the rise and rise of Alex Salmond, only to see themselves ruined by one of politics' most underrated rules: that it's the optimists who win. Is it a good enough argument?
"I think it is. What people are concerned about now is jobs, security, houses, opportunities for young people. And the view of by far the largest chunk of the people of Wales is that in terms of the economy, independence would make things far worse."
For anyone who wants to make the serious case for Welsh independence, this is a major obstacle to get over. Of the Welsh workforce, 27.5% is employed by the public sector, and according to some estimates, government spending accounts for as much as 70% of Wales's national income. In short, as Jones says, far more is spent by the state in Wales than is raised in tax – and in the absence of assets as handsome as North Sea oil and gas, the case for independence contains a gaping hole. You need only drive around the classically post-industrial expanses of south Wales – where the economy seems split between the state and big chain stores – to grasp the deep problems that afflict them, and how difficult any plan for economic revival would be.
Wood has her own answer, arguing that Wales has long suffered from being "on the periphery of an economy that is mainly focused on London and the south-east of England and which overheats, to the detriment of the peripheral areas". In her campaign material, she cites claims that "Wales's economic development is typical of other colonial/extractive economies like those in Latin America". Some of her ideas about creating a new Welsh economy are condensed in a document she calls a "Greenprint" for her native south Wales valleys, which draws on examples set by the Basque region and the Danish island of Samso, and sets out a vision of "food sovereignty" and "self-sufficiency". In its sheer audacity, it's certainly breathtaking. But getting anywhere near it would involve a lot of short-to-medium-term hardship, wouldn't it?
"But we're enduring the hardship now, aren't we?" she counters. "Because there are so many people employed in the public sector in Wales, we're already taking a bigger hit from austerity. And if that continues – and I can't see any light at the end of the tunnel, any sign that the Tories' measures are turning the situation round – things are going to get worse and worse, and there are going to be big gaps opening up in the welfare state. So a plan like this is really the only chance we've got."
Back on the English side of the border, I put in a call to Cardiff University's Richard Wyn Jones, an expert on the Welsh political scene, whose most recent work is a pored-over report focusing on rising resentment over post-devolution tensions among a group of people much overlooked in the noise about the UK's future: the English.
"What all this might mean for England is the ultimate issue for Wales," he tells me, before we return to so-called Little Britain, and the scenario of a hacked-down United Kingdom of England, Wales and Northern Ireland.
"What's in Little Britain for England?" he asks. "Northern Ireland is a problem and a financial drain; Wales may not be a problem, but it's a financial drain as well. It might get to, 'Why do we subsidise the Welsh and the Northern Irish? All they do is complain – what do we get out of it?' There's a big question about what that could mean for public spending, and the willingness for transfer money, and all those kind of issues.
"I'm not a prophet," he tells me, "but clearly, it might be very, very difficult." What he says points not to some shining new Welsh dawn, but a much more troubling prospect: turbulence and strife, with no clear resolution. As the song goes, hanging on in quiet desperation is the English way – but it could be the future of Wales, too.
Independence is just over the horizon - join in the debate.........
Tuesday, 31 January 2012
Uniting Ireland
North in ‘united Ireland vote by 2016’
By Shaun Connolly, Political Correspondent
Monday, January 30, 2012
The North should hold a referendum on joining the Republic as early as 2016, Sinn Féin’s Martin McGuinness has said.
In the party’s most explicit outlining of a vote timetable yet, the North’s deputy first minister says it is his ambition to see the referendum held during the next term of the Belfast Assembly.
"It just seems to me to be a sensible timing. It would be on the question of whether or not the people of the Six Counties wish to retain the link with what is described as the United Kingdom, or be part of a united Ireland. It could take place anytime between 2016 or 2020-21," he said.
"I don’t see any reason whatsoever why that should not be considered.
"I think, in all probability, the people who have got the power to put that in place won’t even contemplate it this side of the next Assembly elections, which conceivably could be 2015 or 2016."
The deputy first minister believes the Democratic Unionist Party can be persuaded to agree to such a dramatic move.
Under the Good Friday Agreement, the final say on when a referendum on the future of the North would be held rests with the British secretary of state.
The Nationalist government in Edinburgh has provoked a furious row with Downing St over its plans to hold a vote on Scotland leaving the UK in 2014.
Mr McGuinness does not think the financial and economic crash experienced by the Republic would put Northerners off voting to leave the UK.
"It’s a mistake to think people are going to decide their future on what has been a particularly disastrous period of the handling of the economy by the government in Dublin.
"People will make a decision on the potential that the reunification of Ireland can bring for them in terms of political stability and in terms of having economic levers in their own hands."
Though population experts predict people from a Catholic background will form the majority in the North within a generation, Mr McGuinness said it was "too sectarian" to expect people to vote on strictly religious lines.
In a revealing and wide-ranging interview with the Irish Examiner, Mr McGuinness appears to downplay the significance of Bertie Ahern in the peace process, instead insisting Tony Blair was key to the Good Friday Agreement.
The Sinn Féin chief also markedly softens his stance towards Queen Elizabeth II, who he says has invited him to Buckingham Palace garden parties six times. He says her speech in Dublin Castle in May, when she stated that there were some things "we would wish had been done differently, or not at all" was a direct reference to the Bloody Sunday massacre, the 40th anniversary of which was marked yesterday.
Despite a sympathetic portrayal of the IRA’s ultimate hate figure, Margaret Thatcher, he says he hopes Meryl Streep wins an Oscar for her portrayal of the Iron Lady, as the actress was very "down to earth" when she visited the North.
And continuing his role as a peacemaker, Mr McGuinness accompanied First Minister Peter Robinson to the DUP leader’s first GAA match on Saturday, the Dr McKenna Cup football final between Tyrone and Derry.
This appeared in the printed version of the Irish Examiner Monday, January 30, 2012
Read more: http://www.irishexaminer.com/ireland/north-in-united-ireland-vote-by-2016-181985.html#ixzz1kzvUz6p0
By Shaun Connolly, Political Correspondent
Monday, January 30, 2012
The North should hold a referendum on joining the Republic as early as 2016, Sinn Féin’s Martin McGuinness has said.
In the party’s most explicit outlining of a vote timetable yet, the North’s deputy first minister says it is his ambition to see the referendum held during the next term of the Belfast Assembly.
"It just seems to me to be a sensible timing. It would be on the question of whether or not the people of the Six Counties wish to retain the link with what is described as the United Kingdom, or be part of a united Ireland. It could take place anytime between 2016 or 2020-21," he said.
"I don’t see any reason whatsoever why that should not be considered.
"I think, in all probability, the people who have got the power to put that in place won’t even contemplate it this side of the next Assembly elections, which conceivably could be 2015 or 2016."
The deputy first minister believes the Democratic Unionist Party can be persuaded to agree to such a dramatic move.
Under the Good Friday Agreement, the final say on when a referendum on the future of the North would be held rests with the British secretary of state.
The Nationalist government in Edinburgh has provoked a furious row with Downing St over its plans to hold a vote on Scotland leaving the UK in 2014.
Mr McGuinness does not think the financial and economic crash experienced by the Republic would put Northerners off voting to leave the UK.
"It’s a mistake to think people are going to decide their future on what has been a particularly disastrous period of the handling of the economy by the government in Dublin.
"People will make a decision on the potential that the reunification of Ireland can bring for them in terms of political stability and in terms of having economic levers in their own hands."
Though population experts predict people from a Catholic background will form the majority in the North within a generation, Mr McGuinness said it was "too sectarian" to expect people to vote on strictly religious lines.
In a revealing and wide-ranging interview with the Irish Examiner, Mr McGuinness appears to downplay the significance of Bertie Ahern in the peace process, instead insisting Tony Blair was key to the Good Friday Agreement.
The Sinn Féin chief also markedly softens his stance towards Queen Elizabeth II, who he says has invited him to Buckingham Palace garden parties six times. He says her speech in Dublin Castle in May, when she stated that there were some things "we would wish had been done differently, or not at all" was a direct reference to the Bloody Sunday massacre, the 40th anniversary of which was marked yesterday.
Despite a sympathetic portrayal of the IRA’s ultimate hate figure, Margaret Thatcher, he says he hopes Meryl Streep wins an Oscar for her portrayal of the Iron Lady, as the actress was very "down to earth" when she visited the North.
And continuing his role as a peacemaker, Mr McGuinness accompanied First Minister Peter Robinson to the DUP leader’s first GAA match on Saturday, the Dr McKenna Cup football final between Tyrone and Derry.
This appeared in the printed version of the Irish Examiner Monday, January 30, 2012
Read more: http://www.irishexaminer.com/ireland/north-in-united-ireland-vote-by-2016-181985.html#ixzz1kzvUz6p0
Monday, 30 January 2012
Scotland´s 21st Century Hero
New poll shows independence is neck and neck with the Union
By a Newsnet reporter
An exclusive poll for the New Statesman magazine by polling company ICD research, and published to coincide with the publication of the Scottish government's consultation paper on the independence referendum, shows that the independence case is making strong headway.
According to the headline figures for the poll, 44% of Scots are in favour of independence, with 45% opposed. The result is well within the normal margin of error for polls, meaning that the two options are effectively neck-and-neck as the campaign begins in earnest.
In other good news for the Scottish government, an overwhelming 72% of Scots polled say that they agree that the Scottish government alone should determine the timing and question of the historic referendum. On this issue, public opinion in Scotland is markedly different from opinion in the rest of the UK. Of those polled across the UK, 41% say that the question and timing should be determined by Westminster, with only 34% in agreement with the Scottish government's position that these are matters for the Scottish Parliament and the people of Scotland.
Amongst those across the UK, the poll found a majority in favour of Scottish independence, with 38% in favour as opposed to 34% against. However most voters throughout the UK do not believe that Scotland will be better off as a result of independence, with only 20% of UK voters believing this would be the case, whereas 52% of UK-wide voters believe that Scotland would be worse off after independence. The report in the New Statesman did not give the figures for the response of Scottish voters to this question.
Conversely, 36 per cent of UK voters believe that England would benefit if Scotland left the UK, compared with 34 per cent who believe it would suffer. This finding shows the effect of the "subsidy junkie" myth which has been widely propagated by the anti-independence parties and the UK media. One of the prime tasks of pro-independence campaigners will be to overturn this myth amongst the Scottish electorate.
The survey found clear support across the UK for so-called 'devo max'. Asked if Scotland should be given full control over its tax and spending, 51% agreed with only 32% opposed. Again the poll did not give a breakdown of the Scottish response to this question, although other polls recently have shown that there is widespread support for such a move within Scotland.
The poll confirms the findings of other recent polls which show that Scots are increasingly leaning towards independence and restoring full control of the nation's finances and destiny to the Scottish Parliament. With more than 2 years to go before the decision is taken, the final result is far too close to call and for the pro-independence camp there is everything to play for. With a buoyant SNP up against demoralised and divided anti-independence parties, Scotland is closer to returning to its rightful place amongst the sovereign nations of the world than at any time during the past 300 years.
The poll of 1000 people was conducted by ICD for the New Statesman on 21st and 22nd January.
Welcoming the poll the Director of the SNP's Referendum Campaign Angus Robertson MP said:
"This is an excellent poll result confirming that support for independence is running neck and neck with 44% in favour to only 45% against.
"And coming on the day the First Minister confirmed the question voters in Scotland will be asked on independence this is just the beginning of the campaign and the great debate that we will have across the country.
"Results like this show that independence for Scotland is achievable and with more and more people supporting the principle that decisions about what happens in Scotland should be made by the people of Scotland it is a very welcome result."
Friday, 27 January 2012
Leaving Politics Aside, Scotland Deserves Freedom
In an about turn contemplated over several years, our UK Political Editor Harry Cole sets out why he now supports the notion of an independent Scotland
Ae fond kiss, and then we sever! Ae farewell, and then forever!
Written by Harry Coleon 25 January 2012 at 4pm
Sponsored Message: With characteristic bluster the First Minister chose Burns Night to set out his plans for the promised referendum on Scottish independence. As Salmond said this afternoon, independence would give “a fundamentally better relationship across these islands, and a more balanced one than we have today.” I agree with Alex.
Anyone who ever had the dubious pleasure of hearing me hone my public speaking skills in the debating chambers and drunken dinner parties at Edinburgh University will wonder where my body has been buried by the end of this piece. We will hear the defence of the union between England and Scotland countless times over the next few years, and it’s an argument that five years ago I could give you standing on my head. However, I just don’t believe it anymore.
Having lived in Edinburgh for four years, since returning south my unionist credentials have weakened by the day. It’s not just the much trodden notion that, in political terms, the right would be the biggest victors of a split. That idea doesn’t hold much water anyway. The issue of Scottish freedom goes beyond party politics, though there are plenty of reasons why politicos of all colours should not be scared of the consequences.
Scotland is not well. This is the nation that gave us the telephone, the television, reason, logic, economics and whisky. Yet since the business interests of some three hundred Edinburgh merchants over-ruled the desires of the rest of a nation in 1707, Scotland has been in decline. The brain drain that saw enlightened Scots give America its magnificent constitution has never stopped.
What remains is a nation dependent on the state; a hand out culture and a something for nothing utopia. An insult to its past. And this will never change while Scotland remains the junior partner in a relationship it never asked to be in. According to the 1909 census, Scots were the tallest people in Europe, yet they now have a life expectancy four years lower than the European average. With two thirds of the country living off, or employed directly by, the state, it is clear that dependency is not working.
As is so often the case, the solution to this problem is freedom. Scotland will not recover while dependent on London. This conversion to the cause is not to say I will suddenly be supporting the SNP. Their machine is smothering Scottish freedoms through their continuous feeding of the state machine.
With Devolution Max, the obvious halfway house to full independence, Scotland would be raising its own taxes and will be forced to realise that free prescriptions and free education for life are the perks of a society free of responsibility. Salmond is not the man to lead a free country and his ideas on how to get there are deeply flawed. However, that is not to say he is wrong on the core issue that drives his fight.
The SNP are not yet signed up to the reality based community and they seem to be doing everything to avoid having to tell the Scottish people how it really is.
With Devo-Max, Scotland will take its share of the debt and for the first time their fair share of the pain. With economic stagnation on either side of the border, both Scotland and England need a rival. With independence or Devo-Max these two nations can rival each other.
This mire that blights us both could be solved through two economies competing for trade; two economies forced to reduce tax to attract investment; Edinburgh’s financial West-End slashing rates to challenge the City. The two nations cannot properly compete while one is latched onto the Westminster teat. Two neighbouring nations must become friendly rivals.
And what of the other half of this once convenient marriage? There are those on the English right who support Scottish freedom because of the lazy idea that it would lead to a permanent Conservative majority in the UK. In 2005 there were nearly one hundred thousand more Conservative voters in England, and by May 2010 that figure was closer to million.
As for English Labour, they would learn to adapt to survive. It would probably require a shift further right for Labour in order to win, but that is natural given that they will no longer have the support of their guaranteed Scottish returns. It does not take much to envisage a Labour leader who can eat into the small-c conservative majority that makes up England. Hell, it wasn't too long ago they were winning election after election on those terms.
And all would not be lost for liberals and self-proclaimed progressives either. If Scotland were to separate it would come in stages, with Devo-max the obvious halfway house. Such a break would leave Westminster to debate and decide foreign policy and defence, but England would have to have a separate legislature for its own affairs.
In all likelihood, and rightly so, this new English parliament will be elected by some sort of proportional system. Our First Past the Post system luckily evolved into something better in reality than it looks on paper, but in all honesty even its most vocal supporters could not say that a brand a new system should be built by the same design. The potential for a real role for a fully elected House of Lords would be forced into play by a split, too.
The matter of Scottish independence goes beyond party politics. All sides of the political debate have something to lose from the split, but that is far outweighed by what the two separate countries will gain. Economic revival, cultural rejuvenation and a more a democratic country should be the dream of all parties and Devo-max can provide that. It is a step that makes sense for the futures of both England and Scotland.
The Act of Union served those who wanted it well, but the majority were never asked. The time has come to rectify that, and to take a leaf from Salmond’s book, I’ll let Burns have the last word:
“Ae fond kiss, and then we sever!
Ae farewell, and then forever! “
Harry Cole is the UK Political Editor for The Commentator and the News Editor for the Guido Fawkes Blog. He tweets at @MrHarryCole
Tags: Alex Salmond, Alex Salmond Burns Night, An independent Scotland good for friendly competition with England, Devolution Max, Edinburgh, Harry Cole and Scottish independence, Scottish independence, Should Scotland break away from the Union?, Where would an independent Scotland leave Labour?, Why Scotland must become independent, Will an independent Scotland benefit the Conservative Party?, devolution, harry cole
Hamish MacDonnell - This New Scotland is Slick and Professional
It was no coincidence: Alex Salmond chose the Great Hall of Edinburgh Castle and Burns’ Night to launch his consultation on an independence referendum yesterday so he could send out the message that this was about Scotland and nothing else.
From the high, wood-beamed ceiling and the suits of armour in this most impressive of ancient Scottish halls to the lines of verse from Scotland’s national bard which the Scottish First Minister dripped into his speech, everything was designed to impress – and not just the Scots.
There were reporters from China, broadcasters from Spain and bloggers from Russia packed into the hall – all there to find out whether the United Kingdom was about to be broken up.
And because he knew his message would go world-wide, Mr Salmond was most careful too in the impression he gave about his vision for Scotland.
“This is a most prosperous country,” he declared – without pausing to let anybody query that statement.
He quoted Rabbie Burns, he spoke of the history of the Great Hall – the venue for the first recorded meeting of the Scots Parliament 900 years ago - and he spoke of his vision for the future of Scotland as a free, independent, progressive European nation state.
Soon after he started, though, the wind got up – as it tends to do around this rocky outcrop perched high above Scotland’s capital.
The gale started rattling the stained-glass windows and blowing around the grand fireplace behind the First Minister’s back.
“Ah, the winds of change,” Mr Salmond quipped.
In doing so, he both echoed Harold Macmillan’s famous speech of 1960 which heralded the break-up of British colonial Africa but he also showed he is as diligent a student of politics as any leader in these islands.
Apart from his entrance, which was a characteristic 45 minutes late, everything about Mr Salmond’s presentation oozed professionalism.
Every detail seemed to have been considered. The First Minister usually speaks from a lecturn embossed with the website address of the Scottish Government.
Not yesterday. For this big event, even the lecturn had been changed and now bore the web address of the referendum consultation paper – just in case it was picked up by the television cameras.
There was a modern new Saltire logo and everything was branded with the slogan: “Your Scotland, Your Referendum.”
It was slick and professional and it is this, above all, that should worry the UK Government. There may be considerable gaps in the detail of the SNP’s plans for independence but, on the surface at least, they appear unbeatable.
Ae fond kiss, and then we sever! Ae farewell, and then forever!
Written by Harry Coleon 25 January 2012 at 4pm
Sponsored Message: With characteristic bluster the First Minister chose Burns Night to set out his plans for the promised referendum on Scottish independence. As Salmond said this afternoon, independence would give “a fundamentally better relationship across these islands, and a more balanced one than we have today.” I agree with Alex.
Anyone who ever had the dubious pleasure of hearing me hone my public speaking skills in the debating chambers and drunken dinner parties at Edinburgh University will wonder where my body has been buried by the end of this piece. We will hear the defence of the union between England and Scotland countless times over the next few years, and it’s an argument that five years ago I could give you standing on my head. However, I just don’t believe it anymore.
Having lived in Edinburgh for four years, since returning south my unionist credentials have weakened by the day. It’s not just the much trodden notion that, in political terms, the right would be the biggest victors of a split. That idea doesn’t hold much water anyway. The issue of Scottish freedom goes beyond party politics, though there are plenty of reasons why politicos of all colours should not be scared of the consequences.
Scotland is not well. This is the nation that gave us the telephone, the television, reason, logic, economics and whisky. Yet since the business interests of some three hundred Edinburgh merchants over-ruled the desires of the rest of a nation in 1707, Scotland has been in decline. The brain drain that saw enlightened Scots give America its magnificent constitution has never stopped.
What remains is a nation dependent on the state; a hand out culture and a something for nothing utopia. An insult to its past. And this will never change while Scotland remains the junior partner in a relationship it never asked to be in. According to the 1909 census, Scots were the tallest people in Europe, yet they now have a life expectancy four years lower than the European average. With two thirds of the country living off, or employed directly by, the state, it is clear that dependency is not working.
As is so often the case, the solution to this problem is freedom. Scotland will not recover while dependent on London. This conversion to the cause is not to say I will suddenly be supporting the SNP. Their machine is smothering Scottish freedoms through their continuous feeding of the state machine.
With Devolution Max, the obvious halfway house to full independence, Scotland would be raising its own taxes and will be forced to realise that free prescriptions and free education for life are the perks of a society free of responsibility. Salmond is not the man to lead a free country and his ideas on how to get there are deeply flawed. However, that is not to say he is wrong on the core issue that drives his fight.
The SNP are not yet signed up to the reality based community and they seem to be doing everything to avoid having to tell the Scottish people how it really is.
With Devo-Max, Scotland will take its share of the debt and for the first time their fair share of the pain. With economic stagnation on either side of the border, both Scotland and England need a rival. With independence or Devo-Max these two nations can rival each other.
This mire that blights us both could be solved through two economies competing for trade; two economies forced to reduce tax to attract investment; Edinburgh’s financial West-End slashing rates to challenge the City. The two nations cannot properly compete while one is latched onto the Westminster teat. Two neighbouring nations must become friendly rivals.
And what of the other half of this once convenient marriage? There are those on the English right who support Scottish freedom because of the lazy idea that it would lead to a permanent Conservative majority in the UK. In 2005 there were nearly one hundred thousand more Conservative voters in England, and by May 2010 that figure was closer to million.
As for English Labour, they would learn to adapt to survive. It would probably require a shift further right for Labour in order to win, but that is natural given that they will no longer have the support of their guaranteed Scottish returns. It does not take much to envisage a Labour leader who can eat into the small-c conservative majority that makes up England. Hell, it wasn't too long ago they were winning election after election on those terms.
And all would not be lost for liberals and self-proclaimed progressives either. If Scotland were to separate it would come in stages, with Devo-max the obvious halfway house. Such a break would leave Westminster to debate and decide foreign policy and defence, but England would have to have a separate legislature for its own affairs.
In all likelihood, and rightly so, this new English parliament will be elected by some sort of proportional system. Our First Past the Post system luckily evolved into something better in reality than it looks on paper, but in all honesty even its most vocal supporters could not say that a brand a new system should be built by the same design. The potential for a real role for a fully elected House of Lords would be forced into play by a split, too.
The matter of Scottish independence goes beyond party politics. All sides of the political debate have something to lose from the split, but that is far outweighed by what the two separate countries will gain. Economic revival, cultural rejuvenation and a more a democratic country should be the dream of all parties and Devo-max can provide that. It is a step that makes sense for the futures of both England and Scotland.
The Act of Union served those who wanted it well, but the majority were never asked. The time has come to rectify that, and to take a leaf from Salmond’s book, I’ll let Burns have the last word:
“Ae fond kiss, and then we sever!
Ae farewell, and then forever! “
Harry Cole is the UK Political Editor for The Commentator and the News Editor for the Guido Fawkes Blog. He tweets at @MrHarryCole
Tags: Alex Salmond, Alex Salmond Burns Night, An independent Scotland good for friendly competition with England, Devolution Max, Edinburgh, Harry Cole and Scottish independence, Scottish independence, Should Scotland break away from the Union?, Where would an independent Scotland leave Labour?, Why Scotland must become independent, Will an independent Scotland benefit the Conservative Party?, devolution, harry cole
Hamish MacDonnell - This New Scotland is Slick and Professional
It was no coincidence: Alex Salmond chose the Great Hall of Edinburgh Castle and Burns’ Night to launch his consultation on an independence referendum yesterday so he could send out the message that this was about Scotland and nothing else.
From the high, wood-beamed ceiling and the suits of armour in this most impressive of ancient Scottish halls to the lines of verse from Scotland’s national bard which the Scottish First Minister dripped into his speech, everything was designed to impress – and not just the Scots.
There were reporters from China, broadcasters from Spain and bloggers from Russia packed into the hall – all there to find out whether the United Kingdom was about to be broken up.
And because he knew his message would go world-wide, Mr Salmond was most careful too in the impression he gave about his vision for Scotland.
“This is a most prosperous country,” he declared – without pausing to let anybody query that statement.
He quoted Rabbie Burns, he spoke of the history of the Great Hall – the venue for the first recorded meeting of the Scots Parliament 900 years ago - and he spoke of his vision for the future of Scotland as a free, independent, progressive European nation state.
Soon after he started, though, the wind got up – as it tends to do around this rocky outcrop perched high above Scotland’s capital.
The gale started rattling the stained-glass windows and blowing around the grand fireplace behind the First Minister’s back.
“Ah, the winds of change,” Mr Salmond quipped.
In doing so, he both echoed Harold Macmillan’s famous speech of 1960 which heralded the break-up of British colonial Africa but he also showed he is as diligent a student of politics as any leader in these islands.
Apart from his entrance, which was a characteristic 45 minutes late, everything about Mr Salmond’s presentation oozed professionalism.
Every detail seemed to have been considered. The First Minister usually speaks from a lecturn embossed with the website address of the Scottish Government.
Not yesterday. For this big event, even the lecturn had been changed and now bore the web address of the referendum consultation paper – just in case it was picked up by the television cameras.
There was a modern new Saltire logo and everything was branded with the slogan: “Your Scotland, Your Referendum.”
It was slick and professional and it is this, above all, that should worry the UK Government. There may be considerable gaps in the detail of the SNP’s plans for independence but, on the surface at least, they appear unbeatable.
Plaid Leadership Contest
Simon Thomas, Elin Jones, Leanne Wood & Dafydd Elis-Thomas
Cyhoeddi ymgeiswyr Arweiniaeth 2012
Annwyl Gyfaill
Rydw i’n falch iawn i gyhoeddi bod pedwar ymgeisydd yn cystadlu ar gyfer arweinyddiaeth y Blaid. Pedwar ymgeisydd cryf iawn sydd yn awyddus i arwain ein plaid – Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Elin Jones, Simon Thomas a Leanne Wood.
I’m delighted to announce that four candidates will contest the party’s leadership. Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Elin Jones, Simon Thomas and Leanne Wood are all extremely strong candidates to lead our party.
There’s been huge interest in this contest so far. The fact that so many members have chosen to be part of the process to elect a leader and move Plaid and Wales forward bodes well for our party in the future.
We’ve seen a surge in new members in recent months, all ready to play a part in making sure Wales moves forward and reaches its potential.
A series of hustings meetings will take place during February throughout Wales to give our thousands of members an opportunity to meet and put questions to all four candidates.
Whoever Plaid decides to choose as leader, we know that Plaid Cymru has the talent which is capable of inspiring and reaching out to everyone in all parts of Wales and delivering on their ambitions.
For Wales
Rhuanedd Richards
Plaid Cymru Chief Executive
Cyhoeddi ymgeiswyr Arweiniaeth 2012
Annwyl Gyfaill
Rydw i’n falch iawn i gyhoeddi bod pedwar ymgeisydd yn cystadlu ar gyfer arweinyddiaeth y Blaid. Pedwar ymgeisydd cryf iawn sydd yn awyddus i arwain ein plaid – Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Elin Jones, Simon Thomas a Leanne Wood.
I’m delighted to announce that four candidates will contest the party’s leadership. Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Elin Jones, Simon Thomas and Leanne Wood are all extremely strong candidates to lead our party.
There’s been huge interest in this contest so far. The fact that so many members have chosen to be part of the process to elect a leader and move Plaid and Wales forward bodes well for our party in the future.
We’ve seen a surge in new members in recent months, all ready to play a part in making sure Wales moves forward and reaches its potential.
A series of hustings meetings will take place during February throughout Wales to give our thousands of members an opportunity to meet and put questions to all four candidates.
Whoever Plaid decides to choose as leader, we know that Plaid Cymru has the talent which is capable of inspiring and reaching out to everyone in all parts of Wales and delivering on their ambitions.
For Wales
Rhuanedd Richards
Plaid Cymru Chief Executive
Wednesday, 25 January 2012
Burns´ Night
.
..Scottish leader turns to poet for referendum backing
By Mohammed Abbas
Reuters – 20 minutes ago....
Scotland's First Minister Alex Salmond launches the Scottish government's consultation paper on an indedependence referendum, in the debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh, Scotland January 25, 2012. REUTERS/David Moir
....EDINBURGH (Reuters) - Scotland's nationalist leader Alex Salmond marked Burns Night on Wednesday, when Scots toast their national poet, by unveiling his plans for an independence referendum in defiance of British government proposals.
Salmond compared Scotland's path to independence to Robert Burns' transformation in the 18th century from a simple ploughman to a literary legend as he set out plans for a vote in late 2014 on ending Scotland's 300-year union with England.
"The people who live in Scotland are the best people to make decisions about their own future. Of that there can be no doubt," Salmond told the devolved Scottish parliament.
"The question we intend to put to the Scottish people in the referendum .... is 'Do you agree that Scotland should be an independent country?'" the First Minister said, drawing applause from supporters in parliament where his Scottish National Party (SNP) has a majority.
Recent polls indicate only around 30 to 40 percent of the Scottish electorate support Scotland breaking away from Britain.
Others seem happy to support the SNP to lead a devolved government which can wring a good deal out of authorities in London, but do not want to break away from Britain.
Independence for Scotland would have profound economic and political consequences for Britain and its political path is being followed closely by others in Europe, including in Spain where some regions have long eyed independence.
At least seven Spanish news outlets were in Edinburgh to cover Salmond's address. After addressing parliament he was taken to brief international journalists at Edinburgh castle, backdrop to centuries of conflict between the English and Scots.
SPIRIT OF BANNOCKBURN
The government in London, which opposes independence, insists only it can grant Salmond the power to hold a legally binding vote. It wants to force an early poll before Salmond can build support for a breakaway.
The SNP leader wants to hold the referendum in autumn 2014 when he would be able to ride a wave of nationalist sentiment on the 700th anniversary of the Battle of Bannockburn, an historic victory over the English.
The SNP leader would also benefit from the feel-good factor of Scotland hosting the Commonwealth Games and Ryder Cup sporting events that year. Scotland's population of around 5.2 million makes up a small percentage of Britain's 62.3 million.
Salmond quoted the Burns' poem A Man's A Man For A' That, which contains lines mocking privileged lords, to back his case.
"I'm told there are members of the House of Lords (the upper house of the London parliament) who believe that it is in their province to set boundaries on what Scotland can and cannot do.
"Perhaps they should be reminded that Burns' great hymn to equality has been heard in this Parliament before," he said.
The government also insists on a say in how the referendum is run, including the crucial issue of the type and number of questions asked. #
It prefers a simple "yes/no" ballot while Salmond said he also wanted a third option, known as "devo max," which would devolve to Scotland further powers from the British parliament in Westminster without outright independence.
London says a referendum including that question would be rigged in the SNP's favour because a three-way split in the ballot could give the separatists a win with fewer votes, and a possible consolation prize of more devolved powers if they lost.
(Reporting by Keith Weir; editing by Robert Woodward)
..Scottish leader turns to poet for referendum backing
By Mohammed Abbas
Reuters – 20 minutes ago....
Scotland's First Minister Alex Salmond launches the Scottish government's consultation paper on an indedependence referendum, in the debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh, Scotland January 25, 2012. REUTERS/David Moir
....EDINBURGH (Reuters) - Scotland's nationalist leader Alex Salmond marked Burns Night on Wednesday, when Scots toast their national poet, by unveiling his plans for an independence referendum in defiance of British government proposals.
Salmond compared Scotland's path to independence to Robert Burns' transformation in the 18th century from a simple ploughman to a literary legend as he set out plans for a vote in late 2014 on ending Scotland's 300-year union with England.
"The people who live in Scotland are the best people to make decisions about their own future. Of that there can be no doubt," Salmond told the devolved Scottish parliament.
"The question we intend to put to the Scottish people in the referendum .... is 'Do you agree that Scotland should be an independent country?'" the First Minister said, drawing applause from supporters in parliament where his Scottish National Party (SNP) has a majority.
Recent polls indicate only around 30 to 40 percent of the Scottish electorate support Scotland breaking away from Britain.
Others seem happy to support the SNP to lead a devolved government which can wring a good deal out of authorities in London, but do not want to break away from Britain.
Independence for Scotland would have profound economic and political consequences for Britain and its political path is being followed closely by others in Europe, including in Spain where some regions have long eyed independence.
At least seven Spanish news outlets were in Edinburgh to cover Salmond's address. After addressing parliament he was taken to brief international journalists at Edinburgh castle, backdrop to centuries of conflict between the English and Scots.
SPIRIT OF BANNOCKBURN
The government in London, which opposes independence, insists only it can grant Salmond the power to hold a legally binding vote. It wants to force an early poll before Salmond can build support for a breakaway.
The SNP leader wants to hold the referendum in autumn 2014 when he would be able to ride a wave of nationalist sentiment on the 700th anniversary of the Battle of Bannockburn, an historic victory over the English.
The SNP leader would also benefit from the feel-good factor of Scotland hosting the Commonwealth Games and Ryder Cup sporting events that year. Scotland's population of around 5.2 million makes up a small percentage of Britain's 62.3 million.
Salmond quoted the Burns' poem A Man's A Man For A' That, which contains lines mocking privileged lords, to back his case.
"I'm told there are members of the House of Lords (the upper house of the London parliament) who believe that it is in their province to set boundaries on what Scotland can and cannot do.
"Perhaps they should be reminded that Burns' great hymn to equality has been heard in this Parliament before," he said.
The government also insists on a say in how the referendum is run, including the crucial issue of the type and number of questions asked. #
It prefers a simple "yes/no" ballot while Salmond said he also wanted a third option, known as "devo max," which would devolve to Scotland further powers from the British parliament in Westminster without outright independence.
London says a referendum including that question would be rigged in the SNP's favour because a three-way split in the ballot could give the separatists a win with fewer votes, and a possible consolation prize of more devolved powers if they lost.
(Reporting by Keith Weir; editing by Robert Woodward)
Monday, 16 January 2012
A Few Words on Independence
Scotland´s independence programme is well on track. As predicted the three British parties - Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat are united in their opposition to independence and have been attempting to trap Alex Salmond into holding an immmediate referendum on a clear choice YES or NO on Scottish independence. The Chief Miinister has resisted the temptation for obvious reasons. If the vote were held today it might well be lost. The election will therefore be held in the aurumn of 2014.
With regard to Welsh independence, as this blog predicted the way forward in Wales is to await Scottish independence to be achieved when the dismantling of the Union has become a fait accomplis. By that time the public will have become more accustomed to the changing political scene and will view Welsh independence as a real and viable possibility. The eventual outcome will be the formation of the four nations of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland (united) within the European Community of nations.
With regard to Welsh independence, as this blog predicted the way forward in Wales is to await Scottish independence to be achieved when the dismantling of the Union has become a fait accomplis. By that time the public will have become more accustomed to the changing political scene and will view Welsh independence as a real and viable possibility. The eventual outcome will be the formation of the four nations of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland (united) within the European Community of nations.
Friday, 6 January 2012
A Cornish Resurgence
41% of children recorded as Cornish
The findings of the Pupil Level Annual School Census (PLASC) show that more and more families are choosing to identify themselves as Cornish.
Last year (2011), 41% of pupils were recorded as Cornish compared to 37% in 2010. A total of 28,584 pupils out of 69,811 said they were Cornish, compared to 23,808 out of 70,275 in 2009.
Schools are required to complete the annual pupil census by the Department for Education. It recommends that parents and guardians should determine the national identity for their children at primary schools, but pupils at secondary schools should decide their own ethnicity.
For many years, families were denied the opportunity to self-identify as Cornish but, following a strong campaign by various cultural, language and political groups, the option was inserted for the 2005 survey. In 2006, 24% of children were recorded as Cornish, which steadily rose to 27% in 2007, 30% in 2008 and 34% in 2009.
It is good to see the growing confidence of so many families, who are keen to record their national identity as Cornish.
Wednesday, 4 January 2012
A Call to Nationalists
Dear Friends and Supporters,
Please call and fax:
Senator Kerry and Senator Lugar
IMMEDIATELY NO TIME TO WASTE!
Senator Kerry and Senator Lugar
IMMEDIATELY NO TIME TO WASTE!
ASK THEM TO PLEASE USE THEIR GOOD OFFICE AND CONTACT ATTORNEY GENERAL ERIC HOLDER Jr. AND SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY CLINTON ASKING THEM TO PUT AN IMMEDIATE STOP TO THE BOSTON COLLEGE SUBPOENA AND STRESS THE THREAT TO ACADEMIC FREEDOM AND THE POLITICAL NATURE OF THAT THREAT TO THE PEACE PROCESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND.
Call
Senator John Kerry
Boston, MA 02114
(617) 565-8519
Washington D.C.
(202) 224-2742
(202) 224-2742
Call and Fax
Senator Richard Lugar
Mark String - Aide
Indianapolis, IN
Phone (317) 226-5555
Fax (317) 226-5508
Washington D.C.
SEND A SEPARATE FAX TO:
Secretary of State
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Phone 202-647-5291
Fax 202-261-8577
Attorney General
Eric Holder
ASK THEM TO PUT AN IMMEDIATE STOP TO THE BOSTON COLLEGE SUBPOENA AND STRESS THE THREAT TO ACADEMIC FREEDOM AND THE POLITICAL NATURE OF THAT THREAT TO THE PEACE PROCESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND.
Campaign for a United Ireland
http://aunitedireland.org/
Wednesday, 7 December 2011
Cilmeri Remembrance Day 2011
Cilmeri 2011 Here are the details for this year’s event. Come and join in commemorating the last Prince of Wales, “Llywelyn, Ein Llyw Olaf.” Saturday 10th December 2011 10:30am: Meet outside the Prince Llywelyn Inn then travel in a motorcade to Llanynys Church for a Llywelyn memorial service (11.15) including the Mass and elegies to him. 12:30pm: Return to the Prince Llywelyn Inn for lunch. 2:30pm: Parade and rally at the Memorial Stone. Patriotic addresses. Laying of wreaths. 5:00pm: Entertainment in the Prince Llywelyn Inn. Speakers include Plaid President, Jill Evans MEP, Jonathan Edwards MP and Roger Williams MP (Brecon and Radnor) Wear ivy and remember to wear warm clothes and wellingtons |
Sunday, 4 December 2011
The Makers of Change
Momentum with McGuinness
The Green Tide Surges Forward
It is a measure of the sense of political urgency with which the Sinn Féin leadership views the economic crisis in Ireland and particularly the 26 Cos. that we decided to stand Martin McGuinness in the Presidential election.
To borrow a phrase first used by the same political establishment which institutionalised the corrupt and gombeen practices, now a template for modern Irish politics and economic policy; the last 2 years in particular have been ‘GUBU-esque’ – grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented.
The southern economy is now mortgaged to the IMF, ECB and EU. Fine Gael and Labour are recycling the same policies which wrecked the economy, while Fianna Fail try to ‘con’ us all that none of this had anything to do with them while in government. Meanwhile in the 6 cos the British Government has slashed 4 billion sterling from the northern economy.
Currently there are 507,700 unemployed in Ireland.
Politics and economics are always about choices. Today Ireland is a byword for what happens when the wrong choices are made.
This economic crisis and the political establishment’s response to it are an anathema to republicanism.
Instead we choose change. Our political strategy is based upon a vision of change in Irish society. It’s all about attracting, persuading and winning the popular support to make positive change in citizens’ lives, while advancing our vision of a new united Republic.
The defining characteristics of modern republicanism are our strategy and leadership. So faced with crushing austerity, cutbacks, unemployment and emigration, it was an obvious decision to contest the Presidential election.
We judged that Martin’s candidacy was the most strategic way to positively impact upon the prevailing political situation in the 26 Cos, and nationally. The decision was made carefully with due consideration to building upon the electoral and political alternative Sinn Féin has delivered since the February 2011 general election; providing leadership and a real political choice in the midst of the economic crisis gripping the country; and our overall strategy for change.
Standing Martin in this election campaign was a bold move. And yes, it was a strategic initiative – unlike any undertaken before.
It was also high risk, because the negative offensive from establishment politicians and media were inevitable.
But the potential to popularise republican politics among a greater cross section of popular opinion, north and south, and to give voters the choice of positive leadership, in the face of hopelessness, far outweighed any reservations or doubts.
Put simply; contesting this election was the right thing to do!
Sinn Féin chose to give leadership.
And, 243,000 voters vindicated that decision.
Sinn Féin’s vote increased. New political momentum was injected into the party project in the south. The election agenda was set by Sinn Féin; republicanism was further mainstreamed, and the politics of a united Ireland were popularised. It was also an election which energised republican people everywhere, throughout Ireland and the Diaspora.
Sometime after the February general election the Party leadership set an organisational and electoral growth target to achieve 13% share of the vote by 2014 in the south. That target was eclipsed by this Presidential election result in 8 months!
But more, Martin McGuinness attracted an overall total of 391,000 first and second preference votes, representing 22% of all first and second preference votes cast.
In fact, during 2011 arising from the general election, Assembly and Presidential election campaigns over 420,000 citizens gave their first preferences to Sinn Féin.
A mighty result indeed. Testament to the steady application of Sinn Féin’s political strategy for change and its incremental, but growing relevance among our people. Vindication also, of our refusal to stay static, or to accept the status quo.
Of course this takes time. Our trajectory is long-term.
But consider: in 1982, at the outset of our electoral strategy Sinn Féin secured 10.1% and 1% of the vote respectively in Assembly and general elections north and south. Today our share % of the total vote is 26.9 and 13.7 north and south, respectively.
All-Ireland politics were placed centre stage during this Presidential election campaign. Sinn Féin is now irreversibly part of the 26 counties’ political discourse. Our political message struck a massive chord with voters. And, through our work in the Oireachtas and political campaigns in the coming months, it will continue to do so. Simultaneously the Party’s focus in the 6 county Assembly and Executive continues to be on delivering and championing change and equality on a cross-departmental and all-Ireland basis.
Sinn Féin strategy is never static. Republicanism has not advanced by standing still. We must constantly seek new political momentum; set new political challenges for ourselves; and, then adapt with appropriate electoral and organisational plans and programmes.
We need to be very ambitious. Brave, and ambitious enough to always set the bar higher for ourselves.
So what next for republicans?
The next scheduled election will be European elections across the 32 counties, and council elections in the 26 counties in June 2014.
Our electoral ambitions by then should be to achieve 500,000 first preference votes for Sinn Féin.
Yes, half a million!
To elect the maximum number of MEPs; and, a record number of county and town councillors in the south.
But, that will mean building and regenerating the Party organisation; developing political and organisational capacity, and financial and human resources. Specifically Sinn Féin must:
In the immediate term, our political, publicity and campaign focus must be upon challenging austerity, cutbacks and unemployment north and south; the 26 counties budget and ‘handover’ to the Anglo Irish bondholders; the potential for another European referendum aimed at undermining the 26 counties economic and fiscal sovereignty again; and, the British government inspired welfare reform measures, and continued contraction in the Treasury block grant to the 6 counties economy. Meanwhile, the campaign for a united Ireland needs driven forward here and abroad.
This Presidential campaign was the most ideological election in the south since 1922.
The political fault lines of the 26 counties state were exposed – partitionism, graft and cronyism, gombeenism, and the ascendancy of a political, corporate elite with no regard for the welfare of citizens.
Republicanism was energised by the campaign across the island. That translated into enormous practical support, especially in the north.
Many from the diverse worlds of culture, arts, business, sport and civic society both north and south, publicly endorsed the leadership that Martin’s candidacy represented.
A national conversation began through this outreach and interaction, which now needs to be continued by Sinn Féin. The language and concepts underpinning that conversation on a new Republic, and what it should mean politically, economically, culturally and socially need to be addressed by republicans, and mainstreamed within wider society.
The challenge now for each republican is to work collectively to start that discussion within every sector of Irish society, and particularly, with unionist people.
Moving forward from this election we need to actualise, and demonstrate our ambition for change in every way possible: to be inspirational – with the language we use, our political activism and campaigns, and the vision we promote.
The republican project and vision for change was powerfully advanced by the Presidential election. Republican values went toe to toe with the hydra of partitionism, cronyism and gombeenism.
Another milestone on the road to a new republic. A new Green Tide.
But we also need to listen to what the people said during this election. And, we need to absorb the lessons of the campaign. Complacency is our enemy.
This wasn’t just another election.
New strategic opportunities now exist. They are national. In every county. But to continue successfully making change we need to raise the bar higher. There has never been a better time to popularise republicanism, to build the republican alternative, and grow Sinn Féin.
We need to harness the potential this strategic initiative created, by applying ourselves with energy, organisation, unity of purpose, cohesion and renewed strategic focus.
Let’s ensure it’s ‘game on’ for 2014.
Change is the talisman of today’s republicans. Think about it.
We are the change makers!
Campaign for a United Ireland
The Green Tide Surges Forward
It is a measure of the sense of political urgency with which the Sinn Féin leadership views the economic crisis in Ireland and particularly the 26 Cos. that we decided to stand Martin McGuinness in the Presidential election.
To borrow a phrase first used by the same political establishment which institutionalised the corrupt and gombeen practices, now a template for modern Irish politics and economic policy; the last 2 years in particular have been ‘GUBU-esque’ – grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented.
The southern economy is now mortgaged to the IMF, ECB and EU. Fine Gael and Labour are recycling the same policies which wrecked the economy, while Fianna Fail try to ‘con’ us all that none of this had anything to do with them while in government. Meanwhile in the 6 cos the British Government has slashed 4 billion sterling from the northern economy.
Currently there are 507,700 unemployed in Ireland.
Politics and economics are always about choices. Today Ireland is a byword for what happens when the wrong choices are made.
This economic crisis and the political establishment’s response to it are an anathema to republicanism.
Instead we choose change. Our political strategy is based upon a vision of change in Irish society. It’s all about attracting, persuading and winning the popular support to make positive change in citizens’ lives, while advancing our vision of a new united Republic.
The defining characteristics of modern republicanism are our strategy and leadership. So faced with crushing austerity, cutbacks, unemployment and emigration, it was an obvious decision to contest the Presidential election.
We judged that Martin’s candidacy was the most strategic way to positively impact upon the prevailing political situation in the 26 Cos, and nationally. The decision was made carefully with due consideration to building upon the electoral and political alternative Sinn Féin has delivered since the February 2011 general election; providing leadership and a real political choice in the midst of the economic crisis gripping the country; and our overall strategy for change.
Standing Martin in this election campaign was a bold move. And yes, it was a strategic initiative – unlike any undertaken before.
It was also high risk, because the negative offensive from establishment politicians and media were inevitable.
But the potential to popularise republican politics among a greater cross section of popular opinion, north and south, and to give voters the choice of positive leadership, in the face of hopelessness, far outweighed any reservations or doubts.
Put simply; contesting this election was the right thing to do!
Sinn Féin chose to give leadership.
And, 243,000 voters vindicated that decision.
Sinn Féin’s vote increased. New political momentum was injected into the party project in the south. The election agenda was set by Sinn Féin; republicanism was further mainstreamed, and the politics of a united Ireland were popularised. It was also an election which energised republican people everywhere, throughout Ireland and the Diaspora.
Sometime after the February general election the Party leadership set an organisational and electoral growth target to achieve 13% share of the vote by 2014 in the south. That target was eclipsed by this Presidential election result in 8 months!
But more, Martin McGuinness attracted an overall total of 391,000 first and second preference votes, representing 22% of all first and second preference votes cast.
In fact, during 2011 arising from the general election, Assembly and Presidential election campaigns over 420,000 citizens gave their first preferences to Sinn Féin.
A mighty result indeed. Testament to the steady application of Sinn Féin’s political strategy for change and its incremental, but growing relevance among our people. Vindication also, of our refusal to stay static, or to accept the status quo.
Of course this takes time. Our trajectory is long-term.
But consider: in 1982, at the outset of our electoral strategy Sinn Féin secured 10.1% and 1% of the vote respectively in Assembly and general elections north and south. Today our share % of the total vote is 26.9 and 13.7 north and south, respectively.
All-Ireland politics were placed centre stage during this Presidential election campaign. Sinn Féin is now irreversibly part of the 26 counties’ political discourse. Our political message struck a massive chord with voters. And, through our work in the Oireachtas and political campaigns in the coming months, it will continue to do so. Simultaneously the Party’s focus in the 6 county Assembly and Executive continues to be on delivering and championing change and equality on a cross-departmental and all-Ireland basis.
Sinn Féin strategy is never static. Republicanism has not advanced by standing still. We must constantly seek new political momentum; set new political challenges for ourselves; and, then adapt with appropriate electoral and organisational plans and programmes.
We need to be very ambitious. Brave, and ambitious enough to always set the bar higher for ourselves.
So what next for republicans?
The next scheduled election will be European elections across the 32 counties, and council elections in the 26 counties in June 2014.
Our electoral ambitions by then should be to achieve 500,000 first preference votes for Sinn Féin.
Yes, half a million!
To elect the maximum number of MEPs; and, a record number of county and town councillors in the south.
But, that will mean building and regenerating the Party organisation; developing political and organisational capacity, and financial and human resources. Specifically Sinn Féin must:
- recruit more new members;
- expand the membership base; and in particular, encourage the formation of area Youth Committees;
- promote the national youth strategy at every level in the Party;
- devise and implement DEA and LEA based organisational and electoral plans north and south;
- focus upon localised electoral organisation, structure and training;
- increase our fundraising efforts;
- prioritise growth in sales of An Phoblacht in every county and city;
- integrate all of these tasks with the political strategies and work plans of the 6 and 26 counties Political Directorates;
- timeframe our approach to delivering on these programmes of work;
- and, ensure we do so on a strategic, national basis, with maximum political cohesion, at all times.
In the immediate term, our political, publicity and campaign focus must be upon challenging austerity, cutbacks and unemployment north and south; the 26 counties budget and ‘handover’ to the Anglo Irish bondholders; the potential for another European referendum aimed at undermining the 26 counties economic and fiscal sovereignty again; and, the British government inspired welfare reform measures, and continued contraction in the Treasury block grant to the 6 counties economy. Meanwhile, the campaign for a united Ireland needs driven forward here and abroad.
This Presidential campaign was the most ideological election in the south since 1922.
The political fault lines of the 26 counties state were exposed – partitionism, graft and cronyism, gombeenism, and the ascendancy of a political, corporate elite with no regard for the welfare of citizens.
Republicanism was energised by the campaign across the island. That translated into enormous practical support, especially in the north.
Many from the diverse worlds of culture, arts, business, sport and civic society both north and south, publicly endorsed the leadership that Martin’s candidacy represented.
A national conversation began through this outreach and interaction, which now needs to be continued by Sinn Féin. The language and concepts underpinning that conversation on a new Republic, and what it should mean politically, economically, culturally and socially need to be addressed by republicans, and mainstreamed within wider society.
The challenge now for each republican is to work collectively to start that discussion within every sector of Irish society, and particularly, with unionist people.
Moving forward from this election we need to actualise, and demonstrate our ambition for change in every way possible: to be inspirational – with the language we use, our political activism and campaigns, and the vision we promote.
The republican project and vision for change was powerfully advanced by the Presidential election. Republican values went toe to toe with the hydra of partitionism, cronyism and gombeenism.
Another milestone on the road to a new republic. A new Green Tide.
But we also need to listen to what the people said during this election. And, we need to absorb the lessons of the campaign. Complacency is our enemy.
This wasn’t just another election.
New strategic opportunities now exist. They are national. In every county. But to continue successfully making change we need to raise the bar higher. There has never been a better time to popularise republicanism, to build the republican alternative, and grow Sinn Féin.
We need to harness the potential this strategic initiative created, by applying ourselves with energy, organisation, unity of purpose, cohesion and renewed strategic focus.
Let’s ensure it’s ‘game on’ for 2014.
Change is the talisman of today’s republicans. Think about it.
We are the change makers!
Campaign for a United Ireland
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