Tuesday, 27 September 2011

A People`s President




    • antrim
    • armagh
    • cavan
    • carlow
    • clare
    • cork
    • derry
    • donegal
    • down
    • dublin
    • fermanagh
    • galway
    • kerry
    • kildare
    • kilkenny
    • laois
    • leitrim
    • louth
    • limerick
    • longford
    • mayo
    • meath
    • monaghan
    • offaly
    • roscommon
    • sligo
    • tipperary
    • tyrone
    • waterford
    • wexford
    • westmeath
    • wicklow

    Wednesday, 21 September 2011

    Poverty - a Bar to Independence?

    Are wealthy nations alone entitled to govern themselves or is this argument a complete fallacy?


    Too poor to be independen​t: Same old story


    http://newsnetscotland.com/index.php/scottish-opinion/3166-too-poor-to-be-independent-the-same-old-story.html

    On the above website

    Tuesday, 13 September 2011 16:08

    This article appeared in the Welsh Independence Blogspot and is republished here with permission of Cambria magazine. Siôn is author of the book The Phenomenon of Welshness, published by Carreg Gwalch.

    Too poor to be independent: Same old story

    by Siôn Jobbins


    "Wales is too poor to be independent. It’s not economically viable." Funny, were Wales given a penny every time somebody said that, then Wales would certainly be economically viable!

    This 'can’t afford independence' is a common refrain by commentators and politicians alike, and is currently used with great gusto as an argument against Scottish independence. But a quick glance through the articles, editorials and letters page of the past makes it clear that Wales and Scotland haven’t been the only European countries 'which can’t afford independence'. It seems to be the standard line every time a small country strives for freedom.

    Malta was one example. An editorial in The Times on 7 January 1959 noted gravely:

    "Malta cannot live on its own … the island could pay for only one-fifths of her food and essential imports; well over a quarter of the present labour force would be out of work and the economy of the country would collapse with out British Treasury subventions. Talk of full independence for Malta is therefore hopelessly impractical."

    The Times published a letter on 21 January 1964 by a Joseph Agius of Ta' Xbiex on Malta stating fearfully of:

    "... the folly of giving independence to Malta when we are not economically prepared for it."

    Malta gained independence on 21 September 1964. It is essentially a city state on a barren rock; from a British point of view it was a very large dock. In 2009 its GDP at $23,800 per capita was similar to other former imperial port cities like Liverpool, Newcastle or Marseilles.

    Norway was another country which 'couldn’t afford independence'. Like Malta prior to independence, it had an amount of self-government, but within Sweden. One of the great bones of contention for Norway was that the consular service and tariffs were biased towards the more agrarian Swedish economy rather than the exporting Norwegian one. Even though the call for greater independence was widely felt across Norway, there were still some who were afraid of it and its consequences.

    On 6 July 1892, The Times published a letter by 'RH' entitled, ‘A Warning from Norway’:

    "… I may add that, as regards the immediate point of consular representation, the opinion of the commercial class in both kingdoms, as expressed in the chambers of commerce, beginning with the Norwegian capital itself, is decidedly hostile to it … At the same time it seems scarcely possible that the leaders of the movement can clearly realise the fate they are preparing for the country by what may well be termed a suicidal agitation … would not a free national existence but subserviency, not to say bondage to Russia … [Norway] reduced to conditions of a central Asian khanate."

    Norway gained independence on 13 May 1905. It didn’t become a 'central Asian khanate'.

    In a rare article on Icelandic politics, the Guardian wrote a sentence on 23 March 1908, which I guess has been used for all former colonies:

    "It is very interesting to note that in this connection that Denmark has to pay a heavy price for her nominal possession of Iceland in the form of a large annual subvention [that word again!] to the Budget of the island."

    To bring us closer to our present time, Slovakia gained independence in the famous 'Velvet Divorce' in 1993 and again the questions of its future were raised. In a generally balanced editorial, the Independent on 31 December 1992 noted:

    "… there is no shortage of potential disputes. Currency union is doomed, with the Czechs determined to balance their budget and the Slovaks expected to head down the road of deficit financing and inflation."

    The Guardian’s report two days after independence of the two new states on 3 January 1993 highlighted that:

    "Many people see the split as a failure and others are nervous about proving themselves in an uncertain world."

    What no report on Slovak (or Czech, Norwegian, Icelandic or Maltese) independence seem to suggest or foresee is the economic success which they have been.

    In this respect, the general tone of the British mindset varies from a mild independence-scepticism to hostility towards most forms of independence. A scepticism which is at times more irrational and unscientific than that which the 'romantic' nationalists are accused of.

    There are presently 192 members of the UN – they can all 'afford independence'. This month there will be another when the UN will accept its latest member, South Sudan. Yes, South Sudan can 'afford independence'. There is also another country which is expected to declare independence this summer. It is the one country which in terms of its fractured geography, fractious politics and crippled economy you would expect to hear an argument that it 'can't afford independence'. That country is Palestine. However, in much the same way that Scotland seems to be uniquely the only oil-producing country in the world which British left wingers think would be poorer with independence, Palestine seems to be the only state which no left winger questions if it could 'afford independence'.

    Which leads me to question if there is a deeper reason for the historic reaction which some of our self-appointed 'progressive' friends have against independence for smaller European nations?

    In a little quoted article titled 'The Magyar Struggle' in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on 13 January 1849 the co-founder of Communism, Freidrich Engels wrote of the 'primitive' and 'counter-revolutionary peoples' of Europe. These were nations such as the Basques, Bretons, Scottish Highlanders and Serbians whom he patronised for not having even reached the stage of capitalism. He calls them ‘völkerabfälle’ (racial trash / residual nations). He says:

    "... these residual fragments of peoples always become fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution and remain so until their complete extirpation or loss of their national character, just as their whole existence in general is itself a protest against a great historical revolution."

    Is this the root of the historical world-view among some so-called progressives, of deep hostility towards independence for some European nations ? Is it that these progressives (and economists) see the larger nations, as Engels would say as "the main vehicle of historical development" to the detriment of smaller nations who seem, by definition, to be insular and counter-revolutionary?

    But back to July 2010. Of course, South Sudan gaining independence is hardly an economic inspiration for Welsh independence. Not even the South Sudanese wish to celebrate their economic fortune. But then, the comparison for all economic scenarios, pre or post independence, in the short term at least, is the context of the neighbouring countries.

    So, let’s discuss independence in another frame? Maybe we should view economic independence in light of it just being another economic transition.

    The Welsh economy has been through several major economic transitions; agrarian in the early 19th century, then an industrial revolution, and a managed (or badly managed) process of de-industrialisation.

    Independence would be but another economic transition. No Welsh economist or politician would advocate the Welsh economy to be the same in 20 years time as it is now. There will be change whatever happens, so why not a more fundamental economic change with independence as the vehicle?

    There are of course those who argue that Wales is 'too poor' and I’ll leave that debate to those more capable than me in the statistical war of attrition but I’ll make a few comments.

    The Welsh economy has been in historic decline since 1923 when the price of coal peaked. During that time Wales has been through 3 of the 5 stages of constitutional states. It’s been governed as an integral part of 'the Realm of England' (1536-1959); as a part of England but with some administrative functions - the Welsh Office period (1959-1999); and as a state with some self-government (1999 until the present day).

    There are two stages left, generally speaking. The first is self-government with some taxation powers and then independence. Both the first three constitutional settlements have not improved Wales's economic well-being. Why not, from an economic point of view, try the other two?

    In the same way that I believe independence is a vehicle to revive a weak language and culture I believe economic independence is the best way to revive a weak economy. It is the journey as well as the destination.

    And I’m not the only one who thinks so. As predictable as the articles 'can the Turnip-eaters afford independence?' are the articles post independence by the same papers which point how better off, economically and culturally, the countries are.

    One quick example, again from that barren rock in the North Atlantic, Iceland – the little country which had the courage to tell their bankers where to go.

    On, 1 December 1938, twenty years and a World War after The Guardian’s dire assessment, the Times wrote a glowing report on Iceland’s twentieth anniversary of independence from Denmark. Subtitled with the decidedly modernist, 'Roads and Radio' the Times notes succinctly:

    "Side by side with the political liberation of the country, developed the gradual economic emancipation of the island."

    The article continues by outlining the many benefits gained since independence, especially in the fields of modern communications.

    So what of Wales? Wales today is guilty of voting for a sort of national Gombeenism form of economic politics. The Gombeen man is the Irish politician who’s only out to get some economic or social gain for his constituency, devoid of a broader political or philosophical outlook. Wales, by belatedly wanting 'fair funding' from Westminster, sulking over 'unfair cuts', 'demanding' electrification of railways, but shirking responsibility over large energy generating projects or taxation policies is only furthering the Gombeen image of itself. It’s humiliating and unnecessary.

    In his recent article, 'Small is cute, sexy and successful: Why Independence for Wales and other countries makes Economic Sense' in the Harvard Kennedy Review, Adam Price makes a case for independence for 'small' nations. He compares the economic fortunes of independent Luxembourg and its neighbour, the German province, Saarland since the Second World War. The case is compelling. A similar case could possible be made in relation to Singapore which became independent of Malaysia in 1965 and Zanzibar which lost its independence and joined Tanganyika to form Tanzania in 1964.

    But we needn’t look to foreign lands for inspiration or precedent. There’s a successful case of Wales not being 'too poor to be independent' in every parish in our land – the founding of the Church in Wales in 1922.

    Like those Wilsonian new East European states, it could hardly have been formed at a worse time! After 800 years, the Welsh church became independent during what the Rev D.T. W. Price in his book; A History of the Church in Wales in the Twentieth Century (1990) calls 'the locust years'. "Nonetheless," as the Rev Price notes, "by 1937 it was generally felt, and rightly so, that the financial condition of the Church in Wales was as sound as it had been before disestablishment."

    Independence would force politicians and us voters in Wales to grow up. We would be economically viable because we would have to be – we’d have to learn to swim. Let's look at 'good practice'. After communism, bling-capitalism, imperialism, state socialism, supra-national states or religious statehood, the nation-state and independence is the one political construct which not one state or people has turned its back on. Independence works. It's time Wales made independence work for her.

    Sunday, 18 September 2011

    Towards a United Ireland

    Sinn Fein confirms McGuinness for Irish presidency

    Martin McGuinness, a former commander of the IRA and Northern Ireland's deputy first minister, was officially confirmed on Sunday as his Sinn Fein party's candidate for next month's Irish presidential election.
    The socialist republican party's executive, the Ard Chomhairle, unanimously backed a proposal to nominate the 61-year-old, with Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams saying: "He embodies everything that is needed in a political leader."
    McGuinness is expected to obtain the required support of 20 Irish lawmakers by the time nominations close on September 28. The election for the presidency, a ceremonial role currently held by Mary McAleese, is on October 27.
    McGuinness will struggle to win -- Sinn Fein took just 9.9 percent of the vote in February's general elections in Ireland, and the bookmakers have ranked him third behind candidates from the ruling Fine Gael and Labour parties.
    But the decision to field a Sinn Fein candidate for the presidency for the first time ever is a sign of the party's growing presence south of the border.
    Despite his four years as the second most senior figure in Northern Ireland's devolved administration in Belfast, McGuinness remains controversial.
    He was a leading member of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the paramilitary group responsible for much of the violence during the three decades of sectarian violence that plagued British-ruled Northern Ireland.
    However, he was also a key player in the peace process. He was viewed as instrumental in the IRA's decision to hold a ceasefire and then give up its weapons, and was a chief negotiator for the landmark 1998 Good Friday peace deal.
    "When I first set out on my political journey in the streets of Derry city over 40 years ago, little did I think I would ever end up here," McGuinness told reporters at a press conference in Dublin.
    McGuinness was born in the Northern Ireland town of Londonderry, a stronghold of republicanism, but he also holds a passport for the Republic of Ireland.
    "I would see the presidency as being central in the unfinished business of the peace process, namely national reconciliation," between Northern Ireland and the Republic, he said.
    The father of four said he had been "humbled" to be contacted by relatives of IRA victims pledging their support, adding: "This election needs to be about a new beginning. I do new beginnings."
    He promised that if elected, he would draw only the average salary and donate the rest of his presidential wage to the Irish people.
    McGuinness will not resign as Northern Ireland's deputy first minister but will step aside for the presidential campaign, handing over temporarily to Sinn Fein education minister John O'Dowd.
    Political reaction to McGuinness's candidacy has been muted, although commentators said it promised to reinvigorate what was looking like a lacklustre race.

    Saturday, 17 September 2011

    Sinn Fein Press Release

    For immediate release: Friday 16th September 2011
    Sinn Féin Officer Board nominate Martin McGuinness for office of Uachtarán na hÉireann
    SINN FÉIN president Gerry Adams has confirmed reports that the party’s Ard Chomhairle is to meet on Sunday morning to discuss a proposal from the National Officer Board to nominate a candidate to stand in the presidential election.
    The Sinn Féin president said: "The officer board will recommend that the candidate will be Martin McGuinness. Sinn Féin believes that the office of Uachtarán na hÉireann has been made more relevant by Mary Robinson and by President Mary McAleese.
    "This is a time of great challenge for all the people of Ireland. We need positive but authentic leadership. It will be a great honour for me to propose Martin McGuinness to contest this election on a broad, republican, citizen-centred platform.
    "I believe that this election will give Martin the platform to continue the work which he has led in the North and in the peace process and to put it on a national footing.
    "I believe he can be the people’s president. If elected he will draw the average industrial wage. He will dedicate himself to a genuine national reconciliation and the unity of our people. He will personify hope in the great genius and integrity of all the people of this island, Catholics, Protestants and Dissenters.
    "I would appeal, if Martin contests this election, for people to join in this campaign, including people in the North and across the diaspora who are denied a vote at this time. The campaign will give citizens the opportunity to make a stand for a better Ireland, for a united Ireland." Ends  

    Campaign for a United Ireland
    http://aunitedireland.org/

    Friday, 16 September 2011

    Martin McGuinness, Irish President?

    Friday, September 16, 2011


    Martin McGuinness to run for President


    Sinn Féin’s Martin McGuinness is to run for the office of President of Ireland, his party confirmed tonight.

    The former IRA leader and current deputy first minister in the North will be formally endorsed by his party leadership over the weekend.

    The announcement is already being billed as the republican movement’s most audacious act since IRA prisoner Bobby Sands stood as an MP.

    Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams confirmed that the party's Ard Chomhairle is to meet on Sunday morning to discuss a proposal from the National Officer Board to nominate a candidate to stand in the presidential election.

    He said: “The officer board will recommend that the candidate will be Martin McGuinness. Sinn Féin believes that the office of Uachtaran na hEireann has been made more relevant by Mary Robinson and by President Mary McAleese.

    “This is a time of great challenge for all the people of Ireland. We need positive but authentic leadership.

    “It will be a great honour for me to propose Martin McGuinness to contest this election on a broad, republican, citizen-centred platform.”

    Mr Adams said: "I believe that this election will give Martin the platform to continue the work which he has led in the North and in the peace process and to put it on a national footing. I believe he can be the people’s president. If elected he will draw the average industrial wage.

    “He will dedicate himself to a genuine national reconciliation and the unity of our people. He will personify hope in the great genius and integrity of all the people of this island – Catholics, Protestants and dissenters.”

    The Sinn Féin leader went on: “I would appeal, if Martin contests this election, for people to join in this campaign, including people in the North and across the diaspora who are denied a vote at this time.

    “The campaign will give citizens the opportunity to make a stand for a better Ireland, for a united Ireland.”


    Martin McGuinness: From IRA commander to peace-process champion

    Martin McGuinness has just completed a top level trade mission in the United States which included talks with Hollywood movie moguls.

    But even they would baulk at the storyline the one-time IRA commander now hopes to write for himself by his bid to be elected President of Ireland.

    The shock move, however, is just the latest twist in the life of a man who was branded the IRA’s mastermind, but who became a champion of the peace process, and defied all the odds by forming a government – and even a friendship - with his most bitter enemy Ian Paisley.

    The republican leader emerged from Derry 40 years ago as a fresh-faced 21-year-old – the IRA’s boy soldier who ran the city’s Bogside.

    He was a feared street fighter who for years lived on the run, mostly across the border in Co Donegal. Security chiefs at the time considered him a ruthless terrorist who was at the centre of the IRA’s campaign.

    But all that changed once the IRA called a halt to the bombing and shooting, first in 1994 and then three years later when the leadership announced a permanent ceasefire.

    Martin McGuinness had been seen as the face of the IRA and the wider republican movement, alongside Gerry Adams.

    But as politics replaced conflict, a new McGuinness began to emerge. Former enemies recounted tales of meeting a figure they found to be affable, who loved sport, enjoyed fly-fishing and even wrote poetry.

    He was nevertheless seen as Sinn Féin’s toughest negotiator and took the lead role in talks.

    Over the last 20 years of Ireland’s slowly developing peace process, the 61-year-old has brushed shoulders with successive US presidents and British prime ministers. But at home, he retains the ability to inspire both loyalty and enmity.

    Last week Sinn Féin held its annual conference in Belfast for the first time. One of the highlights of the Ard Fheis was a speech by Presbyterian Minister David Latimer, the first Northern Ireland Protestant clergyman to address the republican gathering.

    He has struck up a personal friendship with Mr McGuinness and embraced the senior republican at the event, before hailing him as one of the “true great leaders of modern times”. The fulsome praise brought bitter criticism from a number of unionist politicians.

    On news of Mr McGuinness’s plan to run for the presidency, the clergyman said: “My first reaction is that this is a loss for Northern Ireland, because he has been involved in the process of turning our community 180 degrees and starting that new journey, if you like, that has taken us towards peace and a better future.

    “I have watched Martin McGuinness change, so impressively change, that it would persuade me that he has a life beyond what he is currently engaged in, because he has, I think, changed in ways that prepare him for leadership at the highest level.”

    Rev Latimer added: “In running for the President of Ireland, he would have my full support. At a difficult time economically, as well as socially and culturally, I would see him as a man who could send out ripples of hope.”

    In recent years, as Mr McGuinness rose in prominence through his role in the North's powersharing government, there have been signs that a growing number of unionists are prepared to accept his bona fides, despite bitter opposition in some quarters.

    A 2009 newspaper poll that sampled opinion across the religious divide voted the Derry republican the most respected politician at Stormont, where he shares the lead role with Democratic Unionist leader Peter Robinson.

    Alan McBride, who lobbies for the victims of the Troubles, and whose wife and father-in-law were murdered in the IRA’s Shankill Road bombing in Belfast in 1993, said he had met Martin McGuinness several times.

    “I know that when these things come up they can be hurtful for victims,” he said. “But he is someone who has played a key role here in the peace process. I would have no problem with him becoming president – though some of my relatives and friends would feel differently.

    “I think he would do very well as president. I think he would be a good ambassador for Ireland.”

    He added: “He shares a joint office with Peter Robinson and so is Northern Ireland’s joint First Citizen. What’s good for the north should be good for the south as well.”

    Born in 1950, Mr McGuinness is married to wife Bernie, and the couple have four children.

    They still live in his native Derry and he leaves his family home at dawn each day to travel to Stormont, often not returning home until midnight. His commitment – and that of Mr Robinson – is recognised as having bolstered the power-sharing experiment and cemented opposition to violence.

    When dissident republicans opposed to the peace process murdered two soldiers in Co Antrim and a police officer in Co Armagh in 2009, Mr McGuinness rounded on the killers.

    He branded them as “traitors to the people of Ireland” – a rebuke that was later said to have seen dissident republicans issue threats to kill the Sinn Féin figure.

    Allied to such episodes was the daily task of forming new relationships with former enemies at Stormont.

    When the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin agreed to enter government in 2007, critics said it would never last.

    Mr McGuinness and the then DUP leader Ian Paisley stunned observers by forging a strong political relationship, which blossomed into a friendship. The sight of them laughing together in public saw them dubbed "the chuckle brothers".

    When the DUP figurehead handed power to his tough deputy Peter Robinson, it was thought the new leader would seek to cool relations with Sinn Féin. But when Mr Robinson’s private life hit the headlines after his wife admitted an affair with a teenager, Mr McGuinness offered his support to the embattled unionist. The pair shook hands for the first time and a new DUP/Sinn Féin partnership was sealed.

    Martin McGuinness has been frank about his republican past – though opponents have said he has yet to tell the full story.

    During the Saville inquiry into the British army killings on Bloody Sunday in Derry in 1972, Mr McGuinness confirmed his leadership role in the IRA at the time. Since then he has repeatedly declared “the war is over”.

    Now, the man who was held in Portlaoise Prison on a sentence of IRA membership in the 1970s is preparing to challenge for the state’s highest political office.

    Read more: http://www.irishexaminer.com/breakingnews/ireland/martin-mcguinness-to-run-for-president-520886.html#ixzz1Y8ZiSCJA

    Sunday, 14 August 2011

    Blog Awards


    Total Politics Blog Awards

    On-line voting has opened for the Total Politics Blog Awards. This is an opportunity for individuals to vote for their favourite political blogs. So why not vote for your favourite MK, Cornish political, Plaid Cymru, SNP blogs.

    Voting closes at midnight on Friday 19 August. Any votes submitted after that will not be counted. The link is as follows:

    http://www.totalpolitics.com/blog/176562/total-politics-blog-awards-2011-vote-now.thtml

    Votes must be ranked from 1 to 10. The higher you rank a blog or author, the higher up they will appear in the aggregated results. You must enter a minimum of five names for your vote to count. If you don't want to enter more than five, just write 'blank' in the remaining boxes. Every box must have some text in for the vote to be submitted successfully.
     
    Only submit your vote once. If you vote more than once, it won’t be counted.
     
    On-line petitions
    The government has relaunched an e-petitions website. There are already two petitions on the site that are of interest to Cornwall and the Cornish. These are the establishment of a Cornish Assembly (http://epetitions.direct.gov.uk/petitions/3145) and the recognition of the Cornish as a National Minority (http://epetitions.direct.gov.uk/petitions/2835).

    Please take the time to support the petitions and to promote them among your friends and colleagues.

    Thank you.

    The MK Campaign Team.


    alanindyfed - "Independence Cymru"

    Save Cornwall - Sign a Petition

    Recognition of Cornwall 

    as a National Minority

    Responsible department: Department for Communities and Local Government
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/libertycentral/2009/sep/08/cornwall-national-minority-race This article in the Guardian newspaper outlines the current position of the Government in respect to the minority status of Cornwall. There has been a policy for hundreds of years, of "sweeping under the carpet" the Cornish Issue. This petition calls for signatures to raise the issue of the "Cornish Identity" in Parliament and aims to have Cornwall recognised as a National Minority..
    Number of signatures:
    121
    Created by:
    martin noye
    Closing:
    09/08/2012

    Sunday, 7 August 2011

    The Escalating Cost of Flying

    Holiday Tax
    Did you know the UK has the highest flight tax in the world...and is planning to increase it in time for next year's summer holiday? We already pay 8.5 times the EU average, so please user our online tool to petition your MP to persuade the Chancellor to keep his "Hands off our holiday" and cancel next year's planned flight tax increase.

    Do it all automatically if you go to www.handsoffourholiday.
    com and click on "Petition your MP".

    Friday, 5 August 2011

    Coming Events in Wales

    Dafydd Iwan gig!

     

    Where: Clwb Ifor Bach, Caerdydd

    When: Saturday 13th August, 5.00pm – 8.00pm

     

    Whether you’ll be watching the Wales v England game live at the Millennium Stadium, on a large screen in your local pub, or at home, come along afterwards to celebrate (or commiserate) at the Dafydd Iwan fundraising gig, organised by Plaid Cymru! 

     

    Tickets £10. If you would to purchase a ticket, click here


    ******************************


    Plaid Cymru Annual Conference 2011

    Where: Venue Cymru, Llandudno             
    When: 8th -  10th of September 2011

    We have great pleasure in announcing details of the Plaid Cymru Annual Conference 2011. This year we shall be returning to Venue Cymru in Llandudno, one of the best conference centres in Wales which will provide an excellent background for policy development, brand strengthening and all manner of conference opportunities.

    The 2011 Annual Conference 2011 will again extend over two full days in the Conference Hall on Friday September 9th and Saturday 10th, with half a day on  Thursday 8th dedicated to sessions and seminars from 2.00pm

    Thursday will include a full plenary session to discuss and vote on motions and also hustings for internal elections. Dr. Eurfyl ap Gwilym will be conducting a session for members on the next steps for Plaid Cymru,the Councillors Association will be gearing us up for the Local Elections next year and the Gwynfor Evans Memorial Lecutre will also take place on the Thursday afternoon.

    As usual, delegates can enjoy a number of display stands and fringe meetings – all completely free! More information concerning these will be available in the Conference Handbook and the Fringe handbook nearer the time.

    Social events

    The full social programme will commence on Thursday with a local event organised by Cymru X. On Friday evening the Conference Dinner will be held, with 3 courses, a guest speaker and much more!  Conference will close on Saturday with one of the regular favourites - the Revue! 

    If you would like more information about Conference or the social events, please contact the Conference Organiser,  Vici Jones on email vicijones@plaidcymru.org or at 02920 475921.   
    We look forward to seeing you in September!

     

     

     ***************************

    500 Club
    Why Join?

    ·         The 500 Club was set up to raise funds for Plaid Cymru’s National Assembly and Parliamentary campaigns.
    ·         Over half of the money raised is returned to club members as prizes.
    ·         Each member is allocated a club number, which is entered in a monthly prize draw.
    ·         You can join by completing and returning the £5 a month banker’s order form below.

    ·         And remember…The more members there are, the larger the prizes.  Once there are 500 members, the annual prizes will total £ 15,500 !

    If you would like to join the 500 club, download a membership form today by clicking here.

    Tuesday, 2 August 2011

    Small is Beautiful!

    Europe

    The complete guide to small 

    European countries

    There are six tiny countries in Europe that are big on attitude, culture and style. And even though they're small, some have stood up to the greatest tyrants in history. William Cook goes on a tour to prove that less really is more
    It's all relative, of course. Compared with Russia, the largest country in the world, everywhere else in Europe is tiny. Belgium and the Netherlands are both dwarfed by their expansive neighbours, France and Germany. Even the United Kingdom is less than half the size of Spain. Still, you've got to draw the line somewhere, and so for the purposes of this guide anything smaller than 1,000 square miles is small enough, and anything bigger is, er, too big. That leaves half a dozen fun-sized nations. They range from the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (just sneaking under the wire at 998 square miles) to Vatican City, also known as the Holy See – at 0.2 square miles, the world's smallest independent state.
    The complete guide to small European countries HOW BIG IS SMALL, EXACTLY?
    It's all relative, of course. Compared with Russia, the largest country in the world, everywhere else in Europe is tiny. Belgium and the Netherlands are both dwarfed by their expansive neighbours, France and Germany. Even the United Kingdom is less than half the size of Spain. Still, you've got to draw the line somewhere, and so for the purposes of this guide anything smaller than 1,000 square miles is small enough, and anything bigger is, er, too big. That leaves half a dozen fun-sized nations. They range from the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (just sneaking under the wire at 998 square miles) to Vatican City, also known as the Holy See – at 0.2 square miles, the world's smallest independent state.
    AND THE REST?
    The other four, in descending order of size, are Andorra (180 square miles), Liechtenstein (62 square miles), the Most Serene Republic of San Marino (24 square miles) and Monaco (1 square mile, about the same size as Hyde Park).
    Yet though they are small, most of these tiny countries are much older than many of the big brothers that surround them. They're closer to the way Europe used to look, and who's to say they aren't closer to the way Europe will look in future? After all, the continental map is already far more fragmented than it was even 15 years ago.
    WHAT ABOUT GIBRALTAR?
    This fragment of the Iberian peninsula is a UK Crown Colony, not an independent nation.
    WHAT'S THE BIG ATTRACTION OF THESE SMALL COUNTRIES?
    Tonight, English eyes will be on a corner of a foreign field: Liechtenstein's Rheinpark Stadium, in its state capital, Vaduz, is the venue for an important European Championship qualifier this evening. At 5.30pm, British time, Liechtenstein takes on England. The Rheinpark's capacity is only 3,500, but England fans shouldn't scoff. With a population of less than 33,000, this pretty little principality is doing pretty well to give us a game at all. And secondly, a decade ago, soccer minnows San Marino – an even more concise nation with an even smaller population – gave England a nasty fright when they scored within 10 seconds of kick-off. England responded to this slight by scoring seven goals, but England boss Graham Taylor still resigned less than a week later. Moral: underestimate Europe's smallest countries at your peril.
    BUT THE ENGLAND GAME IS SOLD OUT
    Don't fret. There's lots of other stuff to do in Liechtenstein. Well, enough for a few days. The principality's monarch, his Serene Highness Prince Hans Adam II, has an incredible art collection – second only to that of our own Gracious Queen (bizarrely, England and Liechtenstein share the same national anthem – see box below). Liechtenstein marked the millennium by opening a new art gallery, where Hans Adam's Rubens, Rembrandts and Van Dycks rub shoulders with more modern works (00 423 235 0300; www.kunstmuseum.li).
    Philatelists should find lots to look at in the stamp museum (00 423 236 61 05; www.news.li/briefmarken). If you're there just before Easter look out for Spark Sunday, when straw witches are burnt on huge bonfires – a pagan ritual to chase away the winter.
    The prince's hilltop Schloss is out of bounds. Nevertheless, it's such a beautiful spot that it's still worth hiking up the hill for a closer view.
    IS SMALL BEAUTIFUL?
    Yes. Monaco (020-7352 9962; (www.monaco-tourisme.com) boasts one of the world's chicest beaches – an exclusive slice of the Côte d'Azur between Nice and the Italian border. Luxembourg (020-7434 2800; www.luxembourg.co.uk) straddles the dramatic Ardennes mountains and the Moselle Valley, famous for its light, fruity wines. Andorra (020-8874 4806; www.turisme.ad) has some of the finest skiing and hiking in the Pyrenees, plus a wealth of duty-free shopping. Winter sports and summer walks are also popular in Liechtenstein, especially in the Alpine resort of Malbun. Contact Liechtenstein Tourism (00 423 239 6300; www.tourismus.li).
    WHAT ABOUT HISTORY AND CULTURE?
    Vatican City is the historic centre of Western Civilization. You need not be a confirmed Catholic to be drawn to the Holy See. Art lovers and historians will find almost as much to venerate. The Vatican Museums are a treasure trove of ancient Roman, Greek, Egyptian and Syrian relics, plus Renaissance painting, sculpture and tapestries. The architecture is spectacular, too: St Peter's Basilica, the Raphael Stanze and, of course, the Sistine Chapel, complete with Michelangelo's immortal ceiling, plus important works by Botticelli. Call Vatican tourist information (00 39 06 6988 1662) or visit www.vatican.va.
    If you're visiting the Holy See for religious reasons, you may even be able to obtain an audience with the Pope. Don't expect a one to one, but applying is a lot easier than you might suppose. Audiences tend to be held once a week, on Wednesdays, at 11am. Apply not less than two days and no more than one month in advance. Send a fax to the Prefettura della Casa Pontificia (00 39 06 6988 5863), stating your name, home address, Rome address and ideal date.
    I'D RATHER GO FOR A SPIN
    Head for Monaco – home of the Monte Carlo casino and the Monaco Grand Prix. This year's competition runs from Thursday 29 May to Sunday 1 June. For more information, contact the Automobile Club de Monaco (00 377 93 15 26 00; www.acm.mc). There's also an annual motor rally in January. But if your idea of fun is a bit more highbrow than listening to the roar of the combustion engine or the click and clatter of the roulette wheel, this millionaire's oasis also supports its own ballet, orchestra and opera house, plus several theatres. Not bad going for the world's second-smallest nation – but then it's a long time since this Lilliputian paradise last ran short of cash.
    Prince Rainier of Monaco is more open than his counterpart in Liechtenstein; the ruler of Monaco opens his palace to the public. You can watch the changing of the guard for free at 11.55am each day. The Grimaldi family have ruled Monaco since 1297, and the country has been independent since 1415. It even survived an economic blockade by the French president Charles de Gaulle in 1963.
    You can watch some first-class football while you're here as well, at the Louis II Stadium in Fontvieille. Despite being outside France, AS Monaco play in the French League, which they've won seven times – and right now, they're top of the First Division. Call 00 377 9205 7473 or visit www.asm-foot.mc.
    I'M HUNGRY
    For fine food and drink, go to Luxembourg, where the delicate finesse of French cuisine and Germany's hearty fare collide. The European Union's smallest state has more Michelin-starred restaurants per square mile, and per head of population, than any other country in the world. They also drink more heavily.
    The Luxembourgeois deserve a bit of a break: the world's only Grand Duchy has experienced far too much excitement during the last 1,000 years. Ruled by Hapsburgs, Burgundians, Prussia, Spain, Holland, Belgium and France (which annexed this wooded land as a Department of Forests), Luxembourg finally won its independence in 1815, only to be occupied by the Germans in both World Wars.
    If you're a Second World War buff, make tracks for the National Museum of Military History at Diekirch (00 352 808908/804 719; www.nat-military-museum.lu) which records Luxembourg's dramatic role as one of the Second World War's key battlegrounds in the Battle of the Bulge.
    No wonder its native Lëtzebuergesch motto is "mir wëlle bleiwe wat mir sin" (we want to remain what we are).
    SMALL COUNTRIES LIKE TO AVOID CONFLICT, THEN?
    Not all of them, as Liechtenstein's heroic lone stand against the USSR, in 1945, testifies. The principality's previous military adventure was in 1866, when it sent 80 troops (Liechtenstein's entire army) to guard the Tyrolean border, during the Austro-Prussian war. They saw no action, and returned home after a week, with 81 men, having found a new recruit en route. However, at the end of the Second World War, the principality defied Stalin, when 500 Russians who'd been fighting for the Wehrmacht against the Red Army sought asylum in neutral Liechtenstein. The Allies handed over 2.5 million such soldiers, but unlike the US and the UK, little Liechtenstein resisted Soviet attempts to secure their extradition.
    The Nazis, by the way, left this place alone after Liechtenstein's previous monarch, Prince Franz Joseph II, went to see Hitler in Berlin. The Führer, recollected Franz Joseph, was visibly ill at ease. Liechtenstein may not lead the way in women's rights (it was the last European country to give women the vote, in 1984) but it led the world in showing small nations how to stand up to big tyrants.
    Or how about plucky San Marino, a safe haven since the Renaissance, and a refuge for Garibaldi? With a population of less than 15,000, it sheltered more than 100,000 refugees, including Jews, from the Nazis during the Second World War. In 1944 this place of sanctuary was unwittingly bombed by the Allies – killing 63 people, as well as destroying priceless ancient documents in the state library.
    TELL ME MORE ABOUT SAN MARINO
    Founded in AD301 as an enclave in central Italy, San Marino is the world's oldest republic. It has only been occupied twice, and then for only a few months each time – by Caesar Borgia in 1503 and Cardinal Guilio Alberoni in 1739. The brave but canny Sanmarinese even managed to stay on the right side of Napoleon, who said, "We must preserve San Marino as an example of Liberty". The republic proved his point when it turned down Bonaparte's offer to extend its borders, knowing that such territorial avarice might jeopardise its future independence.
    The republic makes a great day-trip from Rimini; call the San Marino State Tourist Office on 00 378 882 400 or visit www.sanmarinosite.com for more information.
    HOW ABOUT ANDORRA?
    Like San Marino, Andorra also succeeded in winning over the Little Corporal, as Napoleon was known. Founded in AD784 by Emperor Charlemagne, Andorra kept both its French and Spanish neighbours happy by paying taxes to Spain in years that ended in even numbers, and tax to France in years that ended odd.
    After the French Revolution, France ripped up the rulebook. What did the Andorrans do? Did they rise up and revolt? No, they sat down and wrote Napoleon a letter. The man who'd crushed Europe's mightiest armies could not resist this simple courtesy. Andorra's original tax regime was restored in 1806. "It is too extraordinary to be invaded," declared Bonaparte. "Let it stand here forever as a museum piece." (In accordance with its museum status, Andorra didn't introduce female suffrage until 1974, a decade ahead of Liechtenstein). Extraordinarily, Andorra has never been invaded. It's never had a war. It's never even had an army – and it probably never will. After all, today's visitors are all far too busy skiing or shopping to even think about causing trouble.
    CAN I FLY DIRECT TO THESE SMALL COUNTRIES?
    Only to Luxembourg, the only one of the six with its own airport. Luxair (01293 596 633; www.luxair.lu) flies non-stop from London Heathrow, with fares from £102.20 return, and also from Manchester, Stansted and London City. British Airways (0845 77 333 77, www.ba.com) flies from Gatwick.
    To reach Andorra, the French option is a flight to Toulouse (from Gatwick, Birmingham and Manchester on BA). From Blagnac airport you can catch the bus to Toulouse station. Catch a train to L'Hospitalet-pres-l'Andorre (about two hours). From there, it's about another two hours by bus to Andorra la Vella. For train information, call SNCF on 00 33 892 35 35 39 or visit www.sncf.fr. Alternatively, fly to Barcelona on one of a range of airlines, or to Gerona on GB Airways (booked through BA) or Ryanair (0871 246 0000; www.ryanair.com). You can rent a car and drive to Andorra in a few hours.
    For Liechtenstein, fly to Zürich on one of a range of airlines, then take the train to Buchs (just over two hours) and the bus to Vaduz (about 15 minutes). Swiss (0845 601 0956; www.swiss.com) flies direct from London Heathrow to Zurich from £113.80 return, including taxes. For train information, call 00 41 900 300 300 or visit www.sbb.ch. Ryanair provides the alternative, with cheap flights to Friedrichshafen in southern Germany, which has connecting rail links from the airport via Bregenz to Feldkirch or Buchs, where you catch the bus.
    Monaco is eight minutes from Nice airport by helicopter. Reaching Nice is the easy and cheap part, with flights from a range of UK airports. If the €100 (£67) helicopter fare is too high, you can catch a bus to the main station and take a half-hour train ride to Monaco for about a tenth of that.
    For San Marino, fly to Bologna from Heathrow on Alitalia (0870 544 8259; www.alitalia.it) or from Stansted on easyJet (0870 600 0000; www.easyJet.com); or from Stansted to Forli or Ancona on Ryanair (0871 246 0000; www.ryanair.com), then take the train to Rimini, and a bus to San Marino. For train information call Trenitalia on 020-8903 0999 or visit www.fs-on-line.com.
    Reaching Vatican City is easy. You simply fly to Rome and take the bus or train into the centre of the Italian capital. The Vatican is on the west bank of the Tiber.
    WHAT ELSE SHOULD I READ BEFORE I GO?
    Rough Guide and Lonely Planet provide good introductions to most of the destinations above. There's a charming chapter on Liechtenstein in Bill Bryson's Neither Here Nor There (Black Swan, £7.99). Vitali Vitaliev's amusing travelogue Little Is The Light (Pocket Books, £6.99 via Amazon) visits all of the small countries above, apart from Vatican City, which Bryson describes in a brief but moving passage in the Rome chapter of Neither Here Nor There.
    Gone and nearly forgotten
    A few of the many small countries that have long since disappeared
    Germany was a patchwork quilt of tiny countries until Bismarck unified it as one country in 1871. Does anyone outside Deutschland still remember Nassau or Oldenburg? Hessen, Saxony and Mecklenburg have all survived (to an extent) as Lander (states) in today's Federal Republic, but Brunswick, Waldeck and Lippe are now mere cities within larger provinces rather than autonomous countries.
    The Free City of Danzig, administered by the League of Nations from 1919 to 1939, ignited the Second World War when its Nazi leader announced its (re)union with Germany. After the war its German inhabitants were expelled and it became the Polish city of Gdansk. This Baltic Belfast has since become famous as the venue where Lech Walesa's Solidarity movement began, and also as the birthplace of Germany's greatest writer since the war, Günter Grass.
    Closer to home, the French port of Calais was an English enclave on the European mainland for more than 200 years. Captured by Edward III during the Hundred Years War in 1347, it was finally recaptured by the French in 1558, during Queen Mary's reign. "Bloody" Mary took it rather badly at the time. "When I am dead and opened," she said, "you shall find 'Calais' lying in my heart."
    A familiar tune in an unfamiliar place
    Why do Britain and Liechtenstein share a national anthem?
    Thankfully, there's not the slightest chance that England "fans" will boo Liechtenstein's national anthem this evening. Why not? Because it's sung to exactly the same tune as "God Save The Queen", though with different words, of course.
    Liechtenstein's lyrics were composed by a German clergyman called Jakob Josef Jauch, in 1850 – although they weren't actually adopted as its national anthem until 1951.
    Jauch's ode originally ran to five verses, but it was trimmed in 1963, and the first line tweaked from "On the banks of the German Rhine" to "On the banks of the young Rhine" (Liechtenstein is actually the last survivor of the 343 statelets that made up the Holy Roman Empire of German Nations).
    The English lyrics are traditional, but were certainly sung at London's Drury Lane Theatre in 1745 (to a different tune, by Thomas Arne, who also wrote "Rule, Britannia!") during Bonnie Prince Charlie's rebellion – hence the neglected last verse: "May he sedition hush/And like a torrent rush/Rebellious Scots to crush." No wonder it hasn't always been quite so popular north of the Tweed. Yet neither Britain nor Liechtenstein can claim a monopoly on the music. Often credited, along with the English lyrics, to a patriotic fellow called Henry Carey, it was probably originally just a folk tune that has been used in various forms ever since the early 17th century. One such version was even written by a composer called, appropriately, John Bull. However, the bad news for British Bulldogs is that their favourite melody may actually be by a Frenchman, the great composer Jean-Baptiste Lully. Apparently, Monsieur Lully wrote it in 1686, for Louis XIV, based on a hymn that was sung to greet the French king. It's enough to make Nelson and Wellington turn in their respective graves.
    But, for anyone who would like to sing along to both anthems, here is the Liechtenstein anthem's first verse, in English. You already know the tune:
    High over the young Rhine
    Lies resting Liechtenstein
    On Alpine heights.
    This belov'd homeland,
    Our dear fatherland
    Chosen by God's wise hand
    Chosen for us.

    Brittany
    "Bro Goz ma Zadoù" (Old Land of My Fathers)
    Words by: Taldir Jaffrenou
    Music by: adapted from James James
    Adopted: 1903
    Brittany, a region of France, has a culture and language all its own (the language is more Celtic than French). Like other Celtic regions of the area, such as Cornwall, the anthem melody used is taken from the Welsh anthem, composed by James James (with some minor note changes). The lyrics were written in 1897 and the adaptation of the Welsh anthem was first published the following year, with the appropriate title "Henvelidigez" ("Adaptation"). It was adopted as the Breton national anthem (and a song of Welsh-Breton friendship) in 1903 at a meeting of the Union Régionaliste Bretonne, a Breton cultural and political organization.

    Saturday, 23 July 2011

    The Danger and Fallacy of Belief

    Belief Kills!

    Belief is the cause of all separation and conflict.
    Events in Norway again highlight this little-known truth. Misguided individuals exhibiting extreme and fundamentalist beliefs have wreaked havoc on history. Belief feeds the ego, twists the mind, perpetrates violence and conflict and brings about death and destruction. Belief is anti-social and immoral and at variance with natural law and human destiny. Belief sets up its opposites, instigating endless conflict and despair. Truth is very different from belief. Where there is belief there can be no truth and no love. Belief is the cause of most of the problems which beset the world. It undermines religion and maims the spirit, manipulates the mind and falsifies reality. In the guise of Christian or Muslim fundamentalism or in the form of political extremism and totalitarianism it can evoke terror and destruction and even bring about the downfall of civilisations. Belief is evil.


    Shun belief......open the mind and see the danger and the utter fallacy of belief.

    Saturday, 16 July 2011

    Any Colour But Brown

    When Gordon Brown speaks, the world stops to groan


    By Alex Stevenson | Talking Politics – Thu, Jul 14, 2011

    Getty Images
    Even on the day parliament completed its expenses rehabilitation, Gordon Brown managed to whip up a maelstrom of partisan hatred.
    Brown may not have intended it this way, but his politics has always been one based on bitter resentment. When he was chancellor, wielding the purse-strings over the government for a decade, he was eaten up by jealousy of Tony Blair's premiership. His capacity for bearing a grudge and wreaking terrible revenge could not, after this period, be seriously in doubt. When he finally did make it to No 10, he was eaten up by his inability to win over Rupert Murdoch. He paid the price at the 2010 general election. But there was nothing he could do about it.
    This is all by way of setting the scene for his speech to the Commons yesterday, in which he took the opportunity of finally getting his revenge on the Murdoch empire. As you'd expect with Gordon Brown, his sucker punch was a lurching swipe far less effective than he might have hoped.
    Brown is not like other former prime ministers. Margaret Thatcher is adored by a close circle of acolytes, but these days keeps herself to herself. John Major enjoys the cricket and rarely ruffles parliamentary life. Tony Blair, who has an irrepressible busybody instinct, keeps himself busy in foreign climes. They know their place - in the corner, with the other elder statesmen.
    Not Brown. He took his seat on the opposition backbenches, chuckling with neighbour Thomas Docherty and waiting for his moment. This was only the second time he has addressed the House this parliament. As if making up for lost time, he spoke for a full half-hour, hijacking the debate on whether Murdoch's BSkyB bid was in the public interest.
    Its primary target was News International and the broader press, to be sure. But first MPs were treated to a lengthy exposition of his government's arms-length dealings with Murdoch. He was obviously bitter about his portrayal as "the betrayer of Britain", as he put it. He spoke of "sewer" journalism and their alleged links with the "criminal underworld". It would have been much more powerful had he not exposed himself to humour.
    "The front-page portrayal of me as 'Dr Evil' the day after the generally accepted success of the G20..." He got no further. The Tory benches howled with laughter at the thought of Mr Brown placing his little finger to his lips. Brown, as he had done a thousand times before from the despatch box, looked a little miffed, but ploughed on.
    Brown's attempt to rewrite history was almost Churchillian in its audacity. It was as if the years - well, year - had fallen away. His PMQs contributions had always been a combination of self-justification and loathing of the Tories. They loathed him back, just as they had done before the general election. Had the 2010 poll, the formation of the coalition government, the preposterous notion that Nick Clegg could become deputy prime minister, all been nothing but a dream?
    Graham Stuart, one of your more archetypal Tory backbenchers, was the most prominent of those who sought to knock Brown off his perch by perpetually asking Brown to give way. Everyday Commons etiquette requires that backbench MPs take interventions from their colleagues, whether political opponents or allies. Brown obviously took the view this requirement does not apply to former prime ministers. Ignoring the storm of outrage from the thwarted Conservatives, he ploughed doggedly on. Twas ever thus.
    Yesterday is already being hailed as the day when parliament completed its expenses rehabilitation. As an institution whose reputation has been battered beyond belief by the culture which grew up around MPs' allowances, it needed a victory like yesterday to reassert itself. For once, politicians united together to defeat an unaccountable power hitherto beyond their reach. It was a special day, a historic one.
    All the more odd, then, that this was the day when the clunking fist returned to rile up the Tories once again.

    Talking Point

    Am I imagining things, or is Welsh nationalism making a bit of a comeback?
    13 hours ago · · ·


      • Tony Willicombe It is indeed. Let's hope Plaid take it on board.
        13 hours ago · · 1 person

      • Scott Talkington Watched Torchwood: Miracle Day yesterday and at one point this CIA person says to the Gwen character: "If you're the best England has to offer..." to which Gwen responded: "I'm Welsh!" and kicked her. Pretty funny.
        13 hours ago · · 2 people

      • Rebecca Blaevoet
        HI Scott,
        Welsh Nationalism is big in some circles and irrelevant in others. It
        really depends where you are. I think it's changing from what it looked
        like in the "peintio'r byd yn wyrdd" days but hopefully no less vibrant.
        It's a different wo...See More

        11 hours ago via ·

      • Euros Ap Hywel Personally I don't think it is
        10 hours ago ·

      • Edwyn Parry With most counties in Wales wanting more powers for the Assembly I think it is.
        7 hours ago ·

      • Scott Talkington I guess I wasn't talking so much about serious political nationalism as a kind of increased identification. Perhaps I'm just noticing it, but mainstream authors like Ralph Peter's "Owen Parry" series about a Welsh detective in the American Civil War, and the fantasy author Shephen Lawhead's retelling of the Robin Hood legend as a Welsh hero in the *King Raven* series.
        6 hours ago ·

      • Chris Castle Seperatist Nationalism (note the capital letters) is still largely irrelevant. But nationalism culturally is definately growing. There is a growing sense of pride and independence, and more of a consciousnous that being Welsh is more than just watching the rugby. The Language and the Assembly carry on gaining influence. The country is growing up in many ways.