Belief Kills!
Belief is the cause of all separation and conflict.
Events in Norway again highlight this little-known truth. Misguided individuals exhibiting extreme and fundamentalist beliefs have wreaked havoc on history. Belief feeds the ego, twists the mind, perpetrates violence and conflict and brings about death and destruction. Belief is anti-social and immoral and at variance with natural law and human destiny. Belief sets up its opposites, instigating endless conflict and despair. Truth is very different from belief. Where there is belief there can be no truth and no love. Belief is the cause of most of the problems which beset the world. It undermines religion and maims the spirit, manipulates the mind and falsifies reality. In the guise of Christian or Muslim fundamentalism or in the form of political extremism and totalitarianism it can evoke terror and destruction and even bring about the downfall of civilisations. Belief is evil.
Shun belief......open the mind and see the danger and the utter fallacy of belief.
"The Nineteenth century saw a great Springtime of Nations as the revolutions of 1848 saw new countries created the length and breadth of Europe. In our world today we are now seeing our own Spring Awakening with people and cultures that have long been dormant and subdued asserting their right to exist, their right to dream." Adam Price MP
Saturday, 23 July 2011
Sunday, 17 July 2011
Saturday, 16 July 2011
Any Colour But Brown
When Gordon Brown speaks, the world stops to groan
Getty Images
Brown may not have intended it this way, but his politics has always been one based on bitter resentment. When he was chancellor, wielding the purse-strings over the government for a decade, he was eaten up by jealousy of Tony Blair's premiership. His capacity for bearing a grudge and wreaking terrible revenge could not, after this period, be seriously in doubt. When he finally did make it to No 10, he was eaten up by his inability to win over Rupert Murdoch. He paid the price at the 2010 general election. But there was nothing he could do about it.
This is all by way of setting the scene for his speech to the Commons yesterday, in which he took the opportunity of finally getting his revenge on the Murdoch empire. As you'd expect with Gordon Brown, his sucker punch was a lurching swipe far less effective than he might have hoped.
Brown is not like other former prime ministers. Margaret Thatcher is adored by a close circle of acolytes, but these days keeps herself to herself. John Major enjoys the cricket and rarely ruffles parliamentary life. Tony Blair, who has an irrepressible busybody instinct, keeps himself busy in foreign climes. They know their place - in the corner, with the other elder statesmen.
Not Brown. He took his seat on the opposition backbenches, chuckling with neighbour Thomas Docherty and waiting for his moment. This was only the second time he has addressed the House this parliament. As if making up for lost time, he spoke for a full half-hour, hijacking the debate on whether Murdoch's BSkyB bid was in the public interest.
Its primary target was News International and the broader press, to be sure. But first MPs were treated to a lengthy exposition of his government's arms-length dealings with Murdoch. He was obviously bitter about his portrayal as "the betrayer of Britain", as he put it. He spoke of "sewer" journalism and their alleged links with the "criminal underworld". It would have been much more powerful had he not exposed himself to humour.
"The front-page portrayal of me as 'Dr Evil' the day after the generally accepted success of the G20..." He got no further. The Tory benches howled with laughter at the thought of Mr Brown placing his little finger to his lips. Brown, as he had done a thousand times before from the despatch box, looked a little miffed, but ploughed on.
Brown's attempt to rewrite history was almost Churchillian in its audacity. It was as if the years - well, year - had fallen away. His PMQs contributions had always been a combination of self-justification and loathing of the Tories. They loathed him back, just as they had done before the general election. Had the 2010 poll, the formation of the coalition government, the preposterous notion that Nick Clegg could become deputy prime minister, all been nothing but a dream?
Graham Stuart, one of your more archetypal Tory backbenchers, was the most prominent of those who sought to knock Brown off his perch by perpetually asking Brown to give way. Everyday Commons etiquette requires that backbench MPs take interventions from their colleagues, whether political opponents or allies. Brown obviously took the view this requirement does not apply to former prime ministers. Ignoring the storm of outrage from the thwarted Conservatives, he ploughed doggedly on. Twas ever thus.
Yesterday is already being hailed as the day when parliament completed its expenses rehabilitation. As an institution whose reputation has been battered beyond belief by the culture which grew up around MPs' allowances, it needed a victory like yesterday to reassert itself. For once, politicians united together to defeat an unaccountable power hitherto beyond their reach. It was a special day, a historic one.
All the more odd, then, that this was the day when the clunking fist returned to rile up the Tories once again.
Talking Point
Monday, 27 June 2011
Here today, Gone tomorrow
"INDEPENDENCE CYMRU" is once again on the move, and will blog henceforth from warmer climes.
WATCH THIS SPACE.....
Hidden treasures await.......surf the Archives!
WATCH THIS SPACE.....
Sunday, 26 June 2011
Coronation Remembrance Ceremony
Gŵyl Coroni Glyndŵr Machynlleth 2011
The 18th began with the annual 'Displaying of the Glyndŵr Crown (the nation's symbol of Sovereignty) Parade'. The parade was welcomed at Y Plas by the Mayor of Machynlleth and a number of councillors and the crown was transferred to the mayor by its Custodian, Elfyn Rowlands of Cefn Caer, Pennal.
TRIBUTES: Glyn Rowlands had sadly passed away last year and this year saw the departing of Mr John Parsons, the long serving clerk of Machynlleth town council. Both these men had been very supportive and helpful to Embassy Glyndŵr in regards to our work with Machynlleth from the onset and a tribute was paid to both men by myself on behalf of Embassy Glyndŵr. During this tribute, I pointed out that there was another interesting connection between Glyn and Mr Parsons as Mr Parsons had been Glyn's Solicitor during the FWA trial of 1969. A minute's silence took place to remember the two loyal friends. Mr Parson's widow was present at this touching tribute.
The Mayor carrying the crown was followed back through the town and to the Senedd-Dŷ where the Mayor and the Custodian of the Crown placed the Crown for exhibiting to the public during the afternoon. At this time, events had commenced on 'Parliament Green' as part of the festival and the children were entertained by Cwmni Cortyn (puppet show) Mair Tomos Ifans and other local talent whilst the grown ups were entertained by Lazarus until the programme for the official re-opening of the Senedd-Dy commenced.Lazarus entertained at the Owain Glyndŵr pub during the evening.
Friday, 24 June 2011
Petition
e-Petition: Recall LDP’s
’We call upon the National Assembly for Wales to urge the Welsh government to recall all Local Development Plans across Wales and to scrap the use of population projections issued by the Statistical Directorate that are used to inflate housing numbers in local development plans. We call for all LDPs at whatever stage of development to be halted immediately in order to bring the level of housing growth in line with genuine local needs.
We the undersigned view all LDPs guided by the Welsh Government’s population projections as ill thought out, fundamentally flawed and detrimental to the communities of Wales.
This type of planning is not sustainable, is not needed and is not wanted by the people of Wales. In order to halt the damage that is already being done and to prevent further irreversible damage and devastation to our communities, environment and identity across Wales, we appeal to the Welsh Government to intervene immediately.’
(click on the button)
We the undersigned view all LDPs guided by the Welsh Government’s population projections as ill thought out, fundamentally flawed and detrimental to the communities of Wales.
This type of planning is not sustainable, is not needed and is not wanted by the people of Wales. In order to halt the damage that is already being done and to prevent further irreversible damage and devastation to our communities, environment and identity across Wales, we appeal to the Welsh Government to intervene immediately.’
(click on the button)
Saturday, 18 June 2011
The Unity Debate
From Gerry Adams
June 18, 2011
Sinn Féin is holding a major conference today in Dublin to promote the objective of Uniting Ireland.
The Dublin conference has attracted significant speakers. Among them are Rev. Gary Mason from East Belfast; Brian Keenan, former Beirut hostage; former UDP representative and Irish Times columnist Davy Adams; Dr. John Bradley, an economic consultant, who was formerly a Research Professor at the ESRI and regularly advises the European Commission, the World Bank and other international organisations and governments; Dr. Pádraic White, Former IDA Managing Director, Entrepreneur & Chairman Employers Services Board West Belfast and Greater Shankhill; Michael D'Arcy, a Dublin-based economic and business consultant and Norah Gibbon, Barnardos, Director of Advocacy.
Speaking this morning just before the conference commenced Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD said:
“This conference and the one next Saturday in Cork are part of a strategy by Sinn Féin to raise awareness and encourage a national conversation around the goal of a United Ireland and create inclusive platforms for an engagement on this crucially important issue.
“It does not make sense on an island this small with just six million people to have two states and two governments.
“There is a significant duplication of public and private services, two sets of currencies, and two tax systems, laws and regulations.
“And at a time when every cent or pence is needed to rebuild the economy, this duplication of government and public services is wasteful and costly.
“The Good Friday Agreement provides a roadmap to build all-island approaches.
“Sinn Féin seeks to erase the border and its adverse impact on the lives of citizens, through practical co-operation and imaginative policies, including the full utilization of the all-island institutions that were created by the Good Friday Agreement.
“In the negotiations which led to the Good Friday Agreement Sinn Fein succeeded in getting the British to scrap the Government of Ireland Act through which it claimed jurisdiction over a part of Ireland.
“This was a significant development. Last week in his speech to the Assembly the British Prime Minister David Cameron repeated this position.
“He said, ‘as the Agreement makes very clear’, the constitutional future of the north does not rest in his hands or those of his government but in the hands of the people.
As a unionist Mr. Cameron made his preference clear but he was equally frank in his public declaration that the British government will always back the democratic wishes of the people whether ‘to remain part of the United Kingdom, as is my strong wish…or whether it’s to be part of a united Ireland’.
“The Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements have mapped out a legislative and democratic route toward uniting Ireland.
“A new Ireland must be fully inclusive. Sinn Féin believes that the interests of citizens and society on this island will be best served by a republican system of governance based on the rights of people.
“But that is a matter for the people to decide. There are other models which can be considered, including federal arrangements. They could serve transitional measures or as governmental systems in their own right.
“A key part of the debate about the future must be a discussion with unionists about what they mean by Britishness and how a new Ireland – whether or not it is a Republic - can accommodate this.
“It also means mapping out the steps necessary in the time ahead to progress toward uniting Ireland.
“For example:
“The Taoiseach commissioning a Green Paper on Irish unity which would address all aspects of this national and democratic project including its political, social, economic, cultural, legal, administrative and international dimensions.
“A Joint Committee of the Oireachtas on Irish Unity to monitor, assess and report progress on its implementation should be established.
“And a new constitution – discussed and debated and agreed by all sections of people on this island, which would enshrine citizens rights in law.” ENDS
June 18, 2011
Sinn Féin is holding a major conference today in Dublin to promote the objective of Uniting Ireland.
The Dublin conference has attracted significant speakers. Among them are Rev. Gary Mason from East Belfast; Brian Keenan, former Beirut hostage; former UDP representative and Irish Times columnist Davy Adams; Dr. John Bradley, an economic consultant, who was formerly a Research Professor at the ESRI and regularly advises the European Commission, the World Bank and other international organisations and governments; Dr. Pádraic White, Former IDA Managing Director, Entrepreneur & Chairman Employers Services Board West Belfast and Greater Shankhill; Michael D'Arcy, a Dublin-based economic and business consultant and Norah Gibbon, Barnardos, Director of Advocacy.
Speaking this morning just before the conference commenced Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD said:
“This conference and the one next Saturday in Cork are part of a strategy by Sinn Féin to raise awareness and encourage a national conversation around the goal of a United Ireland and create inclusive platforms for an engagement on this crucially important issue.
“It does not make sense on an island this small with just six million people to have two states and two governments.
“There is a significant duplication of public and private services, two sets of currencies, and two tax systems, laws and regulations.
“And at a time when every cent or pence is needed to rebuild the economy, this duplication of government and public services is wasteful and costly.
“The Good Friday Agreement provides a roadmap to build all-island approaches.
“Sinn Féin seeks to erase the border and its adverse impact on the lives of citizens, through practical co-operation and imaginative policies, including the full utilization of the all-island institutions that were created by the Good Friday Agreement.
“In the negotiations which led to the Good Friday Agreement Sinn Fein succeeded in getting the British to scrap the Government of Ireland Act through which it claimed jurisdiction over a part of Ireland.
“This was a significant development. Last week in his speech to the Assembly the British Prime Minister David Cameron repeated this position.
“He said, ‘as the Agreement makes very clear’, the constitutional future of the north does not rest in his hands or those of his government but in the hands of the people.
As a unionist Mr. Cameron made his preference clear but he was equally frank in his public declaration that the British government will always back the democratic wishes of the people whether ‘to remain part of the United Kingdom, as is my strong wish…or whether it’s to be part of a united Ireland’.
“The Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements have mapped out a legislative and democratic route toward uniting Ireland.
“A new Ireland must be fully inclusive. Sinn Féin believes that the interests of citizens and society on this island will be best served by a republican system of governance based on the rights of people.
“But that is a matter for the people to decide. There are other models which can be considered, including federal arrangements. They could serve transitional measures or as governmental systems in their own right.
“A key part of the debate about the future must be a discussion with unionists about what they mean by Britishness and how a new Ireland – whether or not it is a Republic - can accommodate this.
“It also means mapping out the steps necessary in the time ahead to progress toward uniting Ireland.
“For example:
“The Taoiseach commissioning a Green Paper on Irish unity which would address all aspects of this national and democratic project including its political, social, economic, cultural, legal, administrative and international dimensions.
“A Joint Committee of the Oireachtas on Irish Unity to monitor, assess and report progress on its implementation should be established.
“And a new constitution – discussed and debated and agreed by all sections of people on this island, which would enshrine citizens rights in law.” ENDS
Wednesday, 15 June 2011
The Irish Legacy
An Independent International Truth Commission
The legacy of the past is one of the big issues which remains to be resolved in the outworking of the peace process. This includes the truth about formal and informal collusion and the wider desire of many victims and families for an effective truth recovery process.
Ten years ago, in 2001, the British and Irish Governments committed, at peace process talks at Weston Park, to adopt the recommendations of an International Judge in relation to a number of specific cases of collusion.
Canadian Judge Peter Cory was asked to look at the killing of Pat Finucane; Robert Hamill; Rosemary Nelson; Billy Wright; Judge Gibson and his wife; and RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan.
Cory worked diligently and in 2003 he handed his reports over to the two governments. The Canadian Judge concluded that there was no basis for an inquiry into the deaths of the Gibsons. He proposed that one should be held into the killing of the two RUC officers.
The Irish government published Cory’s recommendations in December 03 and announced that it would set up an inquiry, but the British stalled until April 04 before publishing his reports to them.
Seven years later of all the six cases investigated by Judge Cory only the Pat Finucane Inquiry has yet to commence. It is the opinion of this blog that the British government is deeply worried by the enormous political implications of the Finucane case which is known to involve substantial institutional collusion between British state forces and the UDA.
This concern was evident in the introduction by the British government in June 2005 of the Inquiries Act 2005. This legislation deliberately limits the scope of the inquiries proposed by Cory who criticised the British move saying it "...would make a meaningful inquiry impossible."
Meanwhile, the Smithwick Tribunal was established by Resolutions passed by Dáil and Seanad on the 23rd and 24th March 2005. It allows for immunity for witnesses.
Its purpose is to inquire “into suggestions that members of An Garda Síochána or other employees of the State colluded in the fatal shootings of RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan on the 20th March, 1989.”
In May 2006 I was asked to meet the Smithwick Tribunal. This meeting took place a few weeks later in June.
The Tribunal asked if Sinn Féin could facilitate an engagement with the IRA about the killing of the two RUC men and claims that this action was possible because of collusion took place with members of the Gardaí.
We undertook to do our best. But we were mindful that the situation had changed significantly as a consequence of the IRA’s July 2005 statement in which the IRA leadership had “formally ordered an end to the armed campaign” and said that “all IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means.”
The IRA restated its goal of achieving a united Ireland and in its statement it acknowledged that it believed that “there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage.”
The consequence of this was that the IRA had left the stage and there could be no engagement with it. However, we were advised that former volunteers might be prepared to engage with the Smithwick Tribunal on a voluntary basis.
The Sinn Féin leadership spent some time putting in place a process which would facilitate this. When this was achieved Sinn Féin stepped back and the process moved forward.
This week the Smithwick Tribunal opened for its first substantive public hearings. In her opening remarks Maura Laverty SC, a member of the Tribunal’s legal team, revealed that the Tribunal had met with former IRA volunteers.
She described it as a ‘very significant development’ and as an ‘unprecedented development’ and described how three members of the Tribunal’s legal team had met with three former members of the IRA. She said: “Those former members included former leadership at both national and local (south Armagh) level. One of the three former personnel had first-hand knowledge of the IRA operation of March 20th, 1989, and had a command role in that operation. The former personnel gave a detailed account of the events leading to the deaths of Chief Supt Breen and Supt Buchanan and replied to questions posed by the three members of the Tribunal’s legal team.”
The Sinn Féin leadership helped to facilitate this engagement because we sincerely believe there is a responsibility to assist families bereaved in the conflict if and when we can, though this may not be possible in all cases.
Republicans are very conscious of the hurt and suffering which has been caused through conflict in our country.
Sinn Féin believes that there needs to be an effective process for dealing with all legacy issues. Weston Park only dealt with six cases. But there are many more families who seek truth and closure.
Therefore, the British and Irish governments should invite a reputable and independent international body to establish an Independent International Truth Commission.
Sinn Féin has been consistent on this issue. Our proposition would be independent of any state, combatant groups, political parties, civil society and economic interests.
It should have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of past violations as well as their causes and consequences and would be dependent on the full co-operation of all the relevant parties.
Of course, such a process would not be easy. There are vested interests who do not want the truth and who will oppose the creation of a meaningful truth recovery process.
It will also be a difficult and painful process and experience, particularly for bereaved families. It must therefore be conducted in a sensitive and generous way. And there can be no hierarchy of victims. All victims must be treated on the basis of equality.
The closure which victims, victim’s families and survivors deserve, demands that those who contributed to the conflict have to pledge ourselves to tell and to listen to the truth about the past. Over time this will contribute to genuine national reconciliation and an inclusive healing process.
For my part I would actively encourage republicans to co-operate with such a process.
Building a united harmonious society demands that these difficult issues are dealt with in an inclusive way as a necessary part of putting the past behind us. Looking after victims and victims’ families and survivors is a significant and important part of this.
Ten years ago, in 2001, the British and Irish Governments committed, at peace process talks at Weston Park, to adopt the recommendations of an International Judge in relation to a number of specific cases of collusion.
Canadian Judge Peter Cory was asked to look at the killing of Pat Finucane; Robert Hamill; Rosemary Nelson; Billy Wright; Judge Gibson and his wife; and RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan.
Cory worked diligently and in 2003 he handed his reports over to the two governments. The Canadian Judge concluded that there was no basis for an inquiry into the deaths of the Gibsons. He proposed that one should be held into the killing of the two RUC officers.
The Irish government published Cory’s recommendations in December 03 and announced that it would set up an inquiry, but the British stalled until April 04 before publishing his reports to them.
Seven years later of all the six cases investigated by Judge Cory only the Pat Finucane Inquiry has yet to commence. It is the opinion of this blog that the British government is deeply worried by the enormous political implications of the Finucane case which is known to involve substantial institutional collusion between British state forces and the UDA.
This concern was evident in the introduction by the British government in June 2005 of the Inquiries Act 2005. This legislation deliberately limits the scope of the inquiries proposed by Cory who criticised the British move saying it "...would make a meaningful inquiry impossible."
Meanwhile, the Smithwick Tribunal was established by Resolutions passed by Dáil and Seanad on the 23rd and 24th March 2005. It allows for immunity for witnesses.
Its purpose is to inquire “into suggestions that members of An Garda Síochána or other employees of the State colluded in the fatal shootings of RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan on the 20th March, 1989.”
In May 2006 I was asked to meet the Smithwick Tribunal. This meeting took place a few weeks later in June.
The Tribunal asked if Sinn Féin could facilitate an engagement with the IRA about the killing of the two RUC men and claims that this action was possible because of collusion took place with members of the Gardaí.
We undertook to do our best. But we were mindful that the situation had changed significantly as a consequence of the IRA’s July 2005 statement in which the IRA leadership had “formally ordered an end to the armed campaign” and said that “all IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means.”
The IRA restated its goal of achieving a united Ireland and in its statement it acknowledged that it believed that “there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage.”
The consequence of this was that the IRA had left the stage and there could be no engagement with it. However, we were advised that former volunteers might be prepared to engage with the Smithwick Tribunal on a voluntary basis.
The Sinn Féin leadership spent some time putting in place a process which would facilitate this. When this was achieved Sinn Féin stepped back and the process moved forward.
This week the Smithwick Tribunal opened for its first substantive public hearings. In her opening remarks Maura Laverty SC, a member of the Tribunal’s legal team, revealed that the Tribunal had met with former IRA volunteers.
She described it as a ‘very significant development’ and as an ‘unprecedented development’ and described how three members of the Tribunal’s legal team had met with three former members of the IRA. She said: “Those former members included former leadership at both national and local (south Armagh) level. One of the three former personnel had first-hand knowledge of the IRA operation of March 20th, 1989, and had a command role in that operation. The former personnel gave a detailed account of the events leading to the deaths of Chief Supt Breen and Supt Buchanan and replied to questions posed by the three members of the Tribunal’s legal team.”
The Sinn Féin leadership helped to facilitate this engagement because we sincerely believe there is a responsibility to assist families bereaved in the conflict if and when we can, though this may not be possible in all cases.
Republicans are very conscious of the hurt and suffering which has been caused through conflict in our country.
Sinn Féin believes that there needs to be an effective process for dealing with all legacy issues. Weston Park only dealt with six cases. But there are many more families who seek truth and closure.
Therefore, the British and Irish governments should invite a reputable and independent international body to establish an Independent International Truth Commission.
Sinn Féin has been consistent on this issue. Our proposition would be independent of any state, combatant groups, political parties, civil society and economic interests.
It should have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of past violations as well as their causes and consequences and would be dependent on the full co-operation of all the relevant parties.
Of course, such a process would not be easy. There are vested interests who do not want the truth and who will oppose the creation of a meaningful truth recovery process.
It will also be a difficult and painful process and experience, particularly for bereaved families. It must therefore be conducted in a sensitive and generous way. And there can be no hierarchy of victims. All victims must be treated on the basis of equality.
The closure which victims, victim’s families and survivors deserve, demands that those who contributed to the conflict have to pledge ourselves to tell and to listen to the truth about the past. Over time this will contribute to genuine national reconciliation and an inclusive healing process.
For my part I would actively encourage republicans to co-operate with such a process.
Building a united harmonious society demands that these difficult issues are dealt with in an inclusive way as a necessary part of putting the past behind us. Looking after victims and victims’ families and survivors is a significant and important part of this.
Tuesday, 7 June 2011
The Future for Kernow
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Monday, 6 June 2011
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