Cilmeri 2011 Here are the details for this year’s event. Come and join in commemorating the last Prince of Wales, “Llywelyn, Ein Llyw Olaf.” Saturday 10th December 2011 10:30am: Meet outside the Prince Llywelyn Inn then travel in a motorcade to Llanynys Church for a Llywelyn memorial service (11.15) including the Mass and elegies to him. 12:30pm: Return to the Prince Llywelyn Inn for lunch. 2:30pm: Parade and rally at the Memorial Stone. Patriotic addresses. Laying of wreaths. 5:00pm: Entertainment in the Prince Llywelyn Inn. Speakers include Plaid President, Jill Evans MEP, Jonathan Edwards MP and Roger Williams MP (Brecon and Radnor) Wear ivy and remember to wear warm clothes and wellingtons |
"The Nineteenth century saw a great Springtime of Nations as the revolutions of 1848 saw new countries created the length and breadth of Europe. In our world today we are now seeing our own Spring Awakening with people and cultures that have long been dormant and subdued asserting their right to exist, their right to dream." Adam Price MP
Wednesday, 7 December 2011
Cilmeri Remembrance Day 2011
Sunday, 4 December 2011
The Makers of Change
Momentum with McGuinness
The Green Tide Surges Forward
It is a measure of the sense of political urgency with which the Sinn Féin leadership views the economic crisis in Ireland and particularly the 26 Cos. that we decided to stand Martin McGuinness in the Presidential election.
To borrow a phrase first used by the same political establishment which institutionalised the corrupt and gombeen practices, now a template for modern Irish politics and economic policy; the last 2 years in particular have been ‘GUBU-esque’ – grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented.
The southern economy is now mortgaged to the IMF, ECB and EU. Fine Gael and Labour are recycling the same policies which wrecked the economy, while Fianna Fail try to ‘con’ us all that none of this had anything to do with them while in government. Meanwhile in the 6 cos the British Government has slashed 4 billion sterling from the northern economy.
Currently there are 507,700 unemployed in Ireland.
Politics and economics are always about choices. Today Ireland is a byword for what happens when the wrong choices are made.
This economic crisis and the political establishment’s response to it are an anathema to republicanism.
Instead we choose change. Our political strategy is based upon a vision of change in Irish society. It’s all about attracting, persuading and winning the popular support to make positive change in citizens’ lives, while advancing our vision of a new united Republic.
The defining characteristics of modern republicanism are our strategy and leadership. So faced with crushing austerity, cutbacks, unemployment and emigration, it was an obvious decision to contest the Presidential election.
We judged that Martin’s candidacy was the most strategic way to positively impact upon the prevailing political situation in the 26 Cos, and nationally. The decision was made carefully with due consideration to building upon the electoral and political alternative Sinn Féin has delivered since the February 2011 general election; providing leadership and a real political choice in the midst of the economic crisis gripping the country; and our overall strategy for change.
Standing Martin in this election campaign was a bold move. And yes, it was a strategic initiative – unlike any undertaken before.
It was also high risk, because the negative offensive from establishment politicians and media were inevitable.
But the potential to popularise republican politics among a greater cross section of popular opinion, north and south, and to give voters the choice of positive leadership, in the face of hopelessness, far outweighed any reservations or doubts.
Put simply; contesting this election was the right thing to do!
Sinn Féin chose to give leadership.
And, 243,000 voters vindicated that decision.
Sinn Féin’s vote increased. New political momentum was injected into the party project in the south. The election agenda was set by Sinn Féin; republicanism was further mainstreamed, and the politics of a united Ireland were popularised. It was also an election which energised republican people everywhere, throughout Ireland and the Diaspora.
Sometime after the February general election the Party leadership set an organisational and electoral growth target to achieve 13% share of the vote by 2014 in the south. That target was eclipsed by this Presidential election result in 8 months!
But more, Martin McGuinness attracted an overall total of 391,000 first and second preference votes, representing 22% of all first and second preference votes cast.
In fact, during 2011 arising from the general election, Assembly and Presidential election campaigns over 420,000 citizens gave their first preferences to Sinn Féin.
A mighty result indeed. Testament to the steady application of Sinn Féin’s political strategy for change and its incremental, but growing relevance among our people. Vindication also, of our refusal to stay static, or to accept the status quo.
Of course this takes time. Our trajectory is long-term.
But consider: in 1982, at the outset of our electoral strategy Sinn Féin secured 10.1% and 1% of the vote respectively in Assembly and general elections north and south. Today our share % of the total vote is 26.9 and 13.7 north and south, respectively.
All-Ireland politics were placed centre stage during this Presidential election campaign. Sinn Féin is now irreversibly part of the 26 counties’ political discourse. Our political message struck a massive chord with voters. And, through our work in the Oireachtas and political campaigns in the coming months, it will continue to do so. Simultaneously the Party’s focus in the 6 county Assembly and Executive continues to be on delivering and championing change and equality on a cross-departmental and all-Ireland basis.
Sinn Féin strategy is never static. Republicanism has not advanced by standing still. We must constantly seek new political momentum; set new political challenges for ourselves; and, then adapt with appropriate electoral and organisational plans and programmes.
We need to be very ambitious. Brave, and ambitious enough to always set the bar higher for ourselves.
So what next for republicans?
The next scheduled election will be European elections across the 32 counties, and council elections in the 26 counties in June 2014.
Our electoral ambitions by then should be to achieve 500,000 first preference votes for Sinn Féin.
Yes, half a million!
To elect the maximum number of MEPs; and, a record number of county and town councillors in the south.
But, that will mean building and regenerating the Party organisation; developing political and organisational capacity, and financial and human resources. Specifically Sinn Féin must:
In the immediate term, our political, publicity and campaign focus must be upon challenging austerity, cutbacks and unemployment north and south; the 26 counties budget and ‘handover’ to the Anglo Irish bondholders; the potential for another European referendum aimed at undermining the 26 counties economic and fiscal sovereignty again; and, the British government inspired welfare reform measures, and continued contraction in the Treasury block grant to the 6 counties economy. Meanwhile, the campaign for a united Ireland needs driven forward here and abroad.
This Presidential campaign was the most ideological election in the south since 1922.
The political fault lines of the 26 counties state were exposed – partitionism, graft and cronyism, gombeenism, and the ascendancy of a political, corporate elite with no regard for the welfare of citizens.
Republicanism was energised by the campaign across the island. That translated into enormous practical support, especially in the north.
Many from the diverse worlds of culture, arts, business, sport and civic society both north and south, publicly endorsed the leadership that Martin’s candidacy represented.
A national conversation began through this outreach and interaction, which now needs to be continued by Sinn Féin. The language and concepts underpinning that conversation on a new Republic, and what it should mean politically, economically, culturally and socially need to be addressed by republicans, and mainstreamed within wider society.
The challenge now for each republican is to work collectively to start that discussion within every sector of Irish society, and particularly, with unionist people.
Moving forward from this election we need to actualise, and demonstrate our ambition for change in every way possible: to be inspirational – with the language we use, our political activism and campaigns, and the vision we promote.
The republican project and vision for change was powerfully advanced by the Presidential election. Republican values went toe to toe with the hydra of partitionism, cronyism and gombeenism.
Another milestone on the road to a new republic. A new Green Tide.
But we also need to listen to what the people said during this election. And, we need to absorb the lessons of the campaign. Complacency is our enemy.
This wasn’t just another election.
New strategic opportunities now exist. They are national. In every county. But to continue successfully making change we need to raise the bar higher. There has never been a better time to popularise republicanism, to build the republican alternative, and grow Sinn Féin.
We need to harness the potential this strategic initiative created, by applying ourselves with energy, organisation, unity of purpose, cohesion and renewed strategic focus.
Let’s ensure it’s ‘game on’ for 2014.
Change is the talisman of today’s republicans. Think about it.
We are the change makers!
Campaign for a United Ireland
The Green Tide Surges Forward
It is a measure of the sense of political urgency with which the Sinn Féin leadership views the economic crisis in Ireland and particularly the 26 Cos. that we decided to stand Martin McGuinness in the Presidential election.
To borrow a phrase first used by the same political establishment which institutionalised the corrupt and gombeen practices, now a template for modern Irish politics and economic policy; the last 2 years in particular have been ‘GUBU-esque’ – grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented.
The southern economy is now mortgaged to the IMF, ECB and EU. Fine Gael and Labour are recycling the same policies which wrecked the economy, while Fianna Fail try to ‘con’ us all that none of this had anything to do with them while in government. Meanwhile in the 6 cos the British Government has slashed 4 billion sterling from the northern economy.
Currently there are 507,700 unemployed in Ireland.
Politics and economics are always about choices. Today Ireland is a byword for what happens when the wrong choices are made.
This economic crisis and the political establishment’s response to it are an anathema to republicanism.
Instead we choose change. Our political strategy is based upon a vision of change in Irish society. It’s all about attracting, persuading and winning the popular support to make positive change in citizens’ lives, while advancing our vision of a new united Republic.
The defining characteristics of modern republicanism are our strategy and leadership. So faced with crushing austerity, cutbacks, unemployment and emigration, it was an obvious decision to contest the Presidential election.
We judged that Martin’s candidacy was the most strategic way to positively impact upon the prevailing political situation in the 26 Cos, and nationally. The decision was made carefully with due consideration to building upon the electoral and political alternative Sinn Féin has delivered since the February 2011 general election; providing leadership and a real political choice in the midst of the economic crisis gripping the country; and our overall strategy for change.
Standing Martin in this election campaign was a bold move. And yes, it was a strategic initiative – unlike any undertaken before.
It was also high risk, because the negative offensive from establishment politicians and media were inevitable.
But the potential to popularise republican politics among a greater cross section of popular opinion, north and south, and to give voters the choice of positive leadership, in the face of hopelessness, far outweighed any reservations or doubts.
Put simply; contesting this election was the right thing to do!
Sinn Féin chose to give leadership.
And, 243,000 voters vindicated that decision.
Sinn Féin’s vote increased. New political momentum was injected into the party project in the south. The election agenda was set by Sinn Féin; republicanism was further mainstreamed, and the politics of a united Ireland were popularised. It was also an election which energised republican people everywhere, throughout Ireland and the Diaspora.
Sometime after the February general election the Party leadership set an organisational and electoral growth target to achieve 13% share of the vote by 2014 in the south. That target was eclipsed by this Presidential election result in 8 months!
But more, Martin McGuinness attracted an overall total of 391,000 first and second preference votes, representing 22% of all first and second preference votes cast.
In fact, during 2011 arising from the general election, Assembly and Presidential election campaigns over 420,000 citizens gave their first preferences to Sinn Féin.
A mighty result indeed. Testament to the steady application of Sinn Féin’s political strategy for change and its incremental, but growing relevance among our people. Vindication also, of our refusal to stay static, or to accept the status quo.
Of course this takes time. Our trajectory is long-term.
But consider: in 1982, at the outset of our electoral strategy Sinn Féin secured 10.1% and 1% of the vote respectively in Assembly and general elections north and south. Today our share % of the total vote is 26.9 and 13.7 north and south, respectively.
All-Ireland politics were placed centre stage during this Presidential election campaign. Sinn Féin is now irreversibly part of the 26 counties’ political discourse. Our political message struck a massive chord with voters. And, through our work in the Oireachtas and political campaigns in the coming months, it will continue to do so. Simultaneously the Party’s focus in the 6 county Assembly and Executive continues to be on delivering and championing change and equality on a cross-departmental and all-Ireland basis.
Sinn Féin strategy is never static. Republicanism has not advanced by standing still. We must constantly seek new political momentum; set new political challenges for ourselves; and, then adapt with appropriate electoral and organisational plans and programmes.
We need to be very ambitious. Brave, and ambitious enough to always set the bar higher for ourselves.
So what next for republicans?
The next scheduled election will be European elections across the 32 counties, and council elections in the 26 counties in June 2014.
Our electoral ambitions by then should be to achieve 500,000 first preference votes for Sinn Féin.
Yes, half a million!
To elect the maximum number of MEPs; and, a record number of county and town councillors in the south.
But, that will mean building and regenerating the Party organisation; developing political and organisational capacity, and financial and human resources. Specifically Sinn Féin must:
- recruit more new members;
- expand the membership base; and in particular, encourage the formation of area Youth Committees;
- promote the national youth strategy at every level in the Party;
- devise and implement DEA and LEA based organisational and electoral plans north and south;
- focus upon localised electoral organisation, structure and training;
- increase our fundraising efforts;
- prioritise growth in sales of An Phoblacht in every county and city;
- integrate all of these tasks with the political strategies and work plans of the 6 and 26 counties Political Directorates;
- timeframe our approach to delivering on these programmes of work;
- and, ensure we do so on a strategic, national basis, with maximum political cohesion, at all times.
In the immediate term, our political, publicity and campaign focus must be upon challenging austerity, cutbacks and unemployment north and south; the 26 counties budget and ‘handover’ to the Anglo Irish bondholders; the potential for another European referendum aimed at undermining the 26 counties economic and fiscal sovereignty again; and, the British government inspired welfare reform measures, and continued contraction in the Treasury block grant to the 6 counties economy. Meanwhile, the campaign for a united Ireland needs driven forward here and abroad.
This Presidential campaign was the most ideological election in the south since 1922.
The political fault lines of the 26 counties state were exposed – partitionism, graft and cronyism, gombeenism, and the ascendancy of a political, corporate elite with no regard for the welfare of citizens.
Republicanism was energised by the campaign across the island. That translated into enormous practical support, especially in the north.
Many from the diverse worlds of culture, arts, business, sport and civic society both north and south, publicly endorsed the leadership that Martin’s candidacy represented.
A national conversation began through this outreach and interaction, which now needs to be continued by Sinn Féin. The language and concepts underpinning that conversation on a new Republic, and what it should mean politically, economically, culturally and socially need to be addressed by republicans, and mainstreamed within wider society.
The challenge now for each republican is to work collectively to start that discussion within every sector of Irish society, and particularly, with unionist people.
Moving forward from this election we need to actualise, and demonstrate our ambition for change in every way possible: to be inspirational – with the language we use, our political activism and campaigns, and the vision we promote.
The republican project and vision for change was powerfully advanced by the Presidential election. Republican values went toe to toe with the hydra of partitionism, cronyism and gombeenism.
Another milestone on the road to a new republic. A new Green Tide.
But we also need to listen to what the people said during this election. And, we need to absorb the lessons of the campaign. Complacency is our enemy.
This wasn’t just another election.
New strategic opportunities now exist. They are national. In every county. But to continue successfully making change we need to raise the bar higher. There has never been a better time to popularise republicanism, to build the republican alternative, and grow Sinn Féin.
We need to harness the potential this strategic initiative created, by applying ourselves with energy, organisation, unity of purpose, cohesion and renewed strategic focus.
Let’s ensure it’s ‘game on’ for 2014.
Change is the talisman of today’s republicans. Think about it.
We are the change makers!
Campaign for a United Ireland
Thursday, 17 November 2011
From Mebyon Kernow - Sons of Cornwall
DON'T FORGET ...
Mebyon Kernow’s 2011 Conference takes place on the 19th and 20th November at the Shire House Suite in Bodmin. It will mark MK’s sixtieth anniversary as an organisation.
On Saturday 19th November, the Conference will feature leading members of Mebyon Kernow and showcase a range of guest speakers. These speakers will include Kenneth Gibson MSP from the Scottish National Party and Jonathan Edwards MP from Plaid Cymru.
The event is open to both members and non-members and I would like to extend an invitation to one and all.
The doors open at 9.30 on Saturday, with presentations and speeches commencing at 10.30. In the evening, there will be a buffet, bar and entertainment. The cost of tickets for the evening will be £10 per person and can be purchased on the door from 6.00 onwards.
Mebyon Kernow’s formal AGM will take place on the Sunday, when there will also be sessions on campaign strategy and plans for the 2013 elections to Cornwall Council.
We would be delighted to see you there.
Dick Cole
Mebyon Kernow’s 2011 Conference takes place on the 19th and 20th November at the Shire House Suite in Bodmin. It will mark MK’s sixtieth anniversary as an organisation.
On Saturday 19th November, the Conference will feature leading members of Mebyon Kernow and showcase a range of guest speakers. These speakers will include Kenneth Gibson MSP from the Scottish National Party and Jonathan Edwards MP from Plaid Cymru.
The event is open to both members and non-members and I would like to extend an invitation to one and all.
The doors open at 9.30 on Saturday, with presentations and speeches commencing at 10.30. In the evening, there will be a buffet, bar and entertainment. The cost of tickets for the evening will be £10 per person and can be purchased on the door from 6.00 onwards.
Mebyon Kernow’s formal AGM will take place on the Sunday, when there will also be sessions on campaign strategy and plans for the 2013 elections to Cornwall Council.
We would be delighted to see you there.
Dick Cole
Thursday, 27 October 2011
Who will be the next President of Ireland?
A Mission Statement
http://youtu.be/e8uOj02LI5U
Our goal is to connect with a broad audience of individuals who share the belief that Ireland should be reunified through democratic and peaceful means. By doing so we can create a greater global awareness and with your collective voice, the support of elected representatives at the local and state level bring forward resolutions calling for the Reunification of Ireland.
Together we can achieve “A United Ireland.”
If you agree that Ireland should be united there is no other choice....
http://youtu.be/e8uOj02LI5U
Our goal is to connect with a broad audience of individuals who share the belief that Ireland should be reunified through democratic and peaceful means. By doing so we can create a greater global awareness and with your collective voice, the support of elected representatives at the local and state level bring forward resolutions calling for the Reunification of Ireland.
Together we can achieve “A United Ireland.”
If you agree that Ireland should be united there is no other choice....
Tuesday, 25 October 2011
Voting in an Irish President
We have today opened Ballotbox.ie for voting in the 2011 Irish Presidential Election after so many people including those who registered their interest in the General Election earlier this year. We are contacting you as you were one of those who took part in our first poll and we would welcome you to do so again.
Remember that this is as much a petition as a vote as we feel that the only way to show our politicians back home that there is genuine demand is to show it. So please vote early and tell all your Irish friends and colleagues who like myself and yourself are not based in Ireland at the moment.
Get along to http://ballotbox.pointblank.ie/register.php and vote...
Remember that this is as much a petition as a vote as we feel that the only way to show our politicians back home that there is genuine demand is to show it. So please vote early and tell all your Irish friends and colleagues who like myself and yourself are not based in Ireland at the moment.
Get along to http://ballotbox.pointblank.ie/register.php and vote...
Saturday, 22 October 2011
News from the Land of Kernow (Cornwall)
MEBYON KERNOW NEWS
MK Conference It is only four weeks to Mebyon Kernow’s 2011 Conference, which will take place at Bodmin’s Shire House Suite on Saturday 19th and Sunday 20th November. All members are welcome to attend and we hope to see you there. The Saturday will feature leading members of MK and a range of guest speakers including Jonathan Edwards, Plaid Cymru MP for Carmarthen East and Dinefwrm and Kenneth Gibson, SNP member of the Scottish Parliament for Cunninghame North. In the evening there will be a buffet, bar and entertainment, with the cost of tickets set at £10 per person. MK’s formal AGM will be on Sunday, when there will also be a series of debates on party policy and sessions on campaign strategy. For tickets to the concert, contact Stephen Richardson at 39 Chariot Road, Illogan Highway, Redruth or 07711 587905 or via stephen.richardson@mebyonkernow.org. 2 Wendron by-election Mebyon Kernow will be standing in the Cornwall Council by-election for Wendron on Thursday 24th November. Our candidate will be Loveday Jenkin, who stood in this division when it was last contested in 2009. In that election she came second out of 7 candidates and is therefore well placed to win election to Cornwall Council if we all get behind her and campaign long and hard. If you can help with this important election campaign, please call Loveday on 07718 763566 or Dick Cole on 07791 876607. 3. Supporting MK via the internet You can also keep in touch with MK members via a range of blogs, including: Cllr Dick Cole (http://mebyonkernow.blogspot.com/) Cllr Stephen Richardson (http://illoganblogger.blogspot.com)robert/ Simmons (http://robscornishblog.blogspot.com/) Camborne and Redruth Constituency Party (http://camborneandredruthmk.blogspot.com/). The Cornish Republican (http://thecornishrepublican.blogspot.com/) See also the Cornish Zetetics site (http://cornishzetetics.blogspot.com/) Please support the hard work of MK activists and like-minded campaigners by visiting their sites on a regular basis and helping to promote them more widely. Thank you
MK Campaign Team
MK Conference It is only four weeks to Mebyon Kernow’s 2011 Conference, which will take place at Bodmin’s Shire House Suite on Saturday 19th and Sunday 20th November. All members are welcome to attend and we hope to see you there. The Saturday will feature leading members of MK and a range of guest speakers including Jonathan Edwards, Plaid Cymru MP for Carmarthen East and Dinefwrm and Kenneth Gibson, SNP member of the Scottish Parliament for Cunninghame North. In the evening there will be a buffet, bar and entertainment, with the cost of tickets set at £10 per person. MK’s formal AGM will be on Sunday, when there will also be a series of debates on party policy and sessions on campaign strategy. For tickets to the concert, contact Stephen Richardson at 39 Chariot Road, Illogan Highway, Redruth or 07711 587905 or via stephen.richardson@mebyonkernow.org. 2 Wendron by-election Mebyon Kernow will be standing in the Cornwall Council by-election for Wendron on Thursday 24th November. Our candidate will be Loveday Jenkin, who stood in this division when it was last contested in 2009. In that election she came second out of 7 candidates and is therefore well placed to win election to Cornwall Council if we all get behind her and campaign long and hard. If you can help with this important election campaign, please call Loveday on 07718 763566 or Dick Cole on 07791 876607. 3. Supporting MK via the internet You can also keep in touch with MK members via a range of blogs, including: Cllr Dick Cole (http://mebyonkernow.blogspot.com/) Cllr Stephen Richardson (http://illoganblogger.blogspot.com)robert/ Simmons (http://robscornishblog.blogspot.com/) Camborne and Redruth Constituency Party (http://camborneandredruthmk.blogspot.com/). The Cornish Republican (http://thecornishrepublican.blogspot.com/) See also the Cornish Zetetics site (http://cornishzetetics.blogspot.com/) Please support the hard work of MK activists and like-minded campaigners by visiting their sites on a regular basis and helping to promote them more widely. Thank you
MK Campaign Team
Wednesday, 19 October 2011
England - the Last Bastion of Britannia?
The Perils of Identity Mapping
By Ray BellRecently The Guardian decided to tackle what it called “the disunited kingdom”, with a series of articles and an opinion poll. This is probably long overdue, The Guardian is one of the few major UK papers that doesn’t bother with a Scottish edition – even Metro pretends to have one. It seems to have taken an independence referendum, to wake the paper up to the notion of devolution, let alone parties in Scotland and Wales. However, just as The Guardian thought that it had got a grip on the complex identity issues in the UK (and IOM), it’s been blindsided yet again.
It was The Guardian’s recent survey on British identity that the journalists scratching their heads. The paper asked a number of people around the UK if they felt more British or more English/Scottish/Welsh/Irish/Northern Irish. People also had the chance to respond “other”, if they felt none of these particularly applied to them. They produced a map, with coloured dots, to plot these responses. Predictably, Northern Ireland was a hodge podge, and people in Scotland and Wales felt more Scottish and Welsh than British. Responses from each of the countries were noted, and unusual phenomena also got a mention in sidebars.
England was noted as “the last bastion – Britishness remained dominant”, and in London, the strong showing of “other” was because it is “unsurprisingly a melting pot”.
However, the map has a good many surprises. Corby retains a strong Scottish identity, decades after Scots migrated there to work in steel plants. Shetland had a few “other”s, and the Guardian suggested this was because people there “could… view themselves as more Nordic than Scots”. But while the Guardian worked out what was going on in Shetland, it noted that Cornwall had “a strong showing for the others”, without actually broaching the subject of Cornish identity. But it has to be said, if the Guardian can’t keep a handle on what’s going on here or in Wales, what hope has it to understand somewhere like Cornwall?
This isn’t, of course, the first time that Bella Caledonia has stolen a lead on The Grauniad. There are a few examples of that, even if I don’t recall an article on Shetland here. Bella has tackled the Cornish question at least twice [here] and [here]. Apart from the “comment is free” section, which is not written by non-staff writers, The Guardian journalists, continue to largely ignore the Cornish issue. A Cornish blog has made great play of this, saying [Cornish Terrify Guardian] .The Cornish have an ongoing campaign to be recognised as a national minority.*
There are certain other anomalies, which are not noted at all. Should we take these seriously? There appear to be “other”s in Pembrokeshire, people who feel “Scottish” in Berwick upon Tweed, pockets of “Welsh” people in East Anglia and one or two others in the Isle of Man (some of these presumably Manx). Neither the Isle of Man, nor the Channel Islands, are in the UK, although for some reason, the IoM was included but Guernsey and Jersey weren’t.
Sunday, 16 October 2011
Buddhism - An Agent of Change
Christopher Titmuss
The Buddha addressed his talks to the Sangha of spiritual nomads who followed his teachings and equally to householders. He directly addressed a wide range of issues. He voiced his concerns to the major powerful influences in society and gave clear advice on their responsibilities as well as sought change in common beliefs. The Buddha established the world’s first major network for women to live a homeless way of life in the exploration of the spiritual - free from duties as wife, mother and daughter. He also addressed:
- rulers, kings and authority figures
- practices and privileges of Brahmin priests
- religious beliefs, including widespread belief in a personal God
- animal sacrifice and protection for all sentient beings
- caste system, humanitarian values
- responsibilities of rich to share their wealth
- yogis and sadhus for engaging in extreme, self punishing practices widespread in India
- consumerism – namely the pursuit of pleasure as the primary reason for existence
- warned against dependency on charismatic figures, reason, tradition and books.
- spoke of the importance of ethics beginning with a commitment not to engage in killing
- significance of love and compassion in all directions
- application of non-harmful livelihoods and lifestyles.
Monday, 10 October 2011
Sunday, 9 October 2011
"Ourselves" no longer "Alone"
Sinn Féin emerges as second party of choice in Republic
STEPHEN COLLINS, Political Editor
SINN FÉIN is now the second most popular party in the Republic, according to the latest Irish Times /Ipsos MRBI poll.The survey reveals a substantial increase in support for the party on the back of Martin McGuinness’s presidential election campaign.
Sinn Féin is now narrowly ahead of the Labour Party and Fianna Fáil, with the party attracting almost the same support as Mr McGuinness.
However, Fine Gael retains a commanding lead over all parties, despite the poor showing of presidential candidate Gay Mitchell. And Taoiseach Enda Kenny remains the most popular political leader in the Republic.
When people were asked who they would vote for if a general election were to be held tomorrow, the figures for party support – when undecided voters are excluded – compared with the last Irish Times poll on July 20th were: Fine Gael, 35 per cent (down three points); Labour, 17 per cent (down one point); Fianna Fáil, 16 per cent (down two points); Sinn Féin, 18 per cent (up eight points); Green Party, 2 per cent (no change); and Independents/Others, 12 per cent (down two points).
The survey was undertaken on Monday and Tuesday of this week among a representative sample of 1,000 voters aged 18 and over, in face-to-face interviews at 100 sampling points in all 43 constituencies. The margin of error is plus or minus 3 per cent.
The core vote for the parties (before undecided voters are excluded) compared with the last Irish Times poll was: Fine Gael, 29 per cent (down one point); Labour, 13 per cent (down one point); Fianna Fáil, 13 per cent (down one point); Sinn Féin, 14 per cent (up six points); Green Party, 2 per cent (up one point); Independents/Others, 10 per cent (down one point); and undecided voters, 19 per cent (down three points).
The advance in Sinn Féin support to almost twice that which it achieved in the February general election is the most dramatic change in party support. Sinn Féin is strongest among men and poorer voters and weakest among women and better-off voters.
The contrast between its level of support among the different sexes is startling, with 28 per cent of men backing the party compared with just 11 per cent of women.
The other three big parties have all declined since the last poll.
Fine Gael dropped three points but it is the leading party in the State and has consolidated its position as the leading party in Dublin.
Labour Party support has dipped marginally, despite the good showing of presidential candidate Michael D Higgins. The party continues to do well in Dublin where it is well ahead of Sinn Féin, but it has slipped in the rest of Leinster and Connacht-Ulster.
Fianna Fáil has also declined. The party continues to fare badly in the capital – a long-term worry given it has no TDs in Dublin.
Support for Independents and smaller parties has also slipped.
The Green Party remains on just 2 per cent and leader Eamon Ryan is having difficulty making an impact from outside the Dáil.
In line with the modest drop in support for the Coalition parties, satisfaction with the Government has also declined marginally, as has satisfaction with the Taoiseach.
Mr Kenny is down two points since July, with a 51 per cent satisfaction rating.
Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore is in second place, with a 42 per cent rating. He is also down two points.
Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin has dropped nine points to 28 per cent. This follows the confusion over the party’s presidential election strategy.
The five-point increase in Gerry Adams’s rating to 36 per cent clearly owes a lot to Sinn Féin’s impact on the presidential election campaign. It may also be a response to the party’s aggressive performance in the Dáil.
Friday, 7 October 2011
Uniting Ireland Conference
Martin McGuinness to speak at Galway Uniting Ireland conference
Presidential candidate Martin McGuinness will be in the west on Friday and will speak at the major conference in Galway on Friday evening October 7th.
The diaspora living in the USA, Canada, Australia and elswhere around the world will be able to watch the conference live as it will be available on the internet.
It will be live from 7.30 pm to 9.45 pm approx Irish time:
Local time PST: 11:30am to 1:45pm
To watch live visit:
http://unitingireland.ie/?
or just log into > http://unitingireland.ie/
click button top right to access UI TV
Presidential candidate Martin McGuinness will be in the west on Friday and will speak at the major conference in Galway on Friday evening October 7th.
The diaspora living in the USA, Canada, Australia and elswhere around the world will be able to watch the conference live as it will be available on the internet.
It will be live from 7.30 pm to 9.45 pm approx Irish time:
Local time PST: 11:30am to 1:45pm
To watch live visit:
http://unitingireland.ie/?
or just log into > http://unitingireland.ie/
click button top right to access UI TV
Tuesday, 4 October 2011
A New Beginning
McGuinness calls for "decade of reconciliation"
Speaking at the launch of his presidential campaign in Dublin tonight in the Pillar Room of the Rotunda (1st October 2011) Martin McGuinness has called for a "decade of reconciliation". The full text of the speech follows.
It is a pleasure for me to be here tonight amongst so many friends and well wishers. It is a great honour to stand before the Irish people seeking their support to lead this great nation.
I believe in Ireland. I believe in the Irish people.
Traveling around the country in recent years I have become more and more outraged at the greed and corruption which has given rise to the greatest economic crisis we have ever faced. It is a scandal that ordinary people up and down this island are paying for this every day while at the same time trying to keep a roof over their heads and food on their tables.
Who would have thought 150 years after the great land battles in Ireland after Davitt and the Land League that the prospect of eviction is looming again for Irish families.
Who would have thought 100 years on from the Dublin lock out when Connolly and Larkin stood with the people, that workers like those in Talk Talk in Waterford are once again being thrown on the dole queue without so much as a thank you in the Ireland of 2011.
The greed and selfishness that dominated so much of political and business life in Ireland in the Celtic Tiger years is responsible for the financial mess we find ourselves in today.
Those responsible for this state of affairs are not patriots. Patriotism is about country and people. It is not about self aggrandizement.
But greed and selfishness is not the Irish way — local identity, community and sense of place is what defines us as Irish people, knowing and helping your neighbour, being tolerant to those who are different.
As President I will be at the forefront of an Ireland reclaiming its true sense of identity. I want to give the Irish people back their confidence. We have seen the greed of powerful and wealthy groups dent the Irish spirit. We need to see genuine values replace a culture of individualism.
As President I want to see every citizen regain a sense of pride in their Irish identity. I want to highlight the importance of community and inclusion which are the cornerstones of Irish life. Ireland can and should be a place of positivity where creativity and innovation are nurtured.
Too many cynics stand in the way of our country reaching its true potential. I want to see Ireland reclaim the greatness of the tens of millions of Irish people across the world who are the leaders and innovators in the countries in which they now reside. I will be a President for all the Irish people including the Disapora. As a father and grandfather, I refuse to be part of the first generation of Irish people to hand this society on to the next in a worse economic state than it was given to us.
As President I will work tirelessly to fix what has been broken and to inspire everyone who is Irish or who has links to Ireland across the world to work together to make our country great again. If the Irish people vote for me as their President they know what they will get. Throughout 40 years and more of political activism, on the streets of Derry, in Downing Street, in the White House, in the Assembly and on Good Friday I have sought to bring a set of basic principles to my work – commitment – leadership – patriotism – endeavour – selflessness and a deep commitment to Ireland and her people.
As President I will defend and promote Ireland. I will uphold the constitution. I will stand up for sovereignty and freedom. Titles have never been important to me. Political office has never been about perks. The only thing about seeking or reaching high office which motivates me is how that office can be used to make a positive contribution to people’s lives.
That is why I have already said I will only take home the average wage and return the rest to the Irish people. It is high time those at the top shared the pain and showed a bit of empathy with the rest of us.
I reject the notion put forward by some that the President of Ireland is somehow a meaningless or powerless role. This does a grave disservice to the Presidents who have gone before – particularly I have to say both Mary Robinson and Mary McAleese – whose work as President has inspired and motivated so many Irish people both here and abroad. People have asked me in the course of recent weeks why I want to be President — that surely it would have been easier for me to simply continue as Deputy First Minister in the North. And there may well be some truth in that.. But this isn’t about me – I am standing because ordinary people the length and breath of this island have inspired me to run and in turn I want to inspire them as their President.
I want to be a President that stands for working families; for those struggling to pay mortgages; for parents fighting for better support for their children; for those with disabilities; for those lying on hospital trolleys; for elderly people fearful in their own homes at night or making a decision this winter on whether to heat their home; for those talented young Irish people being forced to emigrate to far flung corners of the world.
What Ireland needs now is investment and jobs. As Deputy First Minister, I have, along with Ministerial colleagues brought thousands of new jobs to the north – I want to use my international reputation – my influence and skills to go to the boardrooms of major US corporations and elsewhere and help bring new jobs to these shores.I want to act as an ambassador for all those indigenous firms who have, despite the massive challenges, provided employment and generated wealth.
The period during the next Presidency will see the centenary of many defining moments in our history. It would be my intention as President to use the next ten years from 2012 and the centenary of the formation of the UVF, the Home Rule campaign and the signing of the Ulster Covenant and the anniversary of the 1916 Rising to transform this decade of commemorations into a Decade of Reconciliation.
The Decade of Reconciliation would celebrate the diverse nature of our society, celebrate the peace we now have and commemorate the events of 100 years ago which defined the direction of Ireland up to the present generation. I believe that this is what the signatories of the 1916 Proclamation would have wanted.
We must continue to reunify the people of Ireland through reconciliation and respect. That is what will lead to an Ireland that is truly united. I am very confident in my Irishness. As President I will attend any relevant event to celebrate the different cultural views and political identities that exist in Ireland. There is a need for political maturity and tolerance of the differing views on this island throughout this sensitive period.
Outreach is not something that is confined to the North. There are many sections of Irish society who have felt excluded over many years. As President I want to reach out to them and make the Office of the President and the Aras institutions that they identify with and feel welcome in. This election is about leadership. I am willing to stand up and be counted and this juncture in our nation’s history. I will bring passion, patriotism and pride to the Presidency. I want the Irish people to stand with me.
Speaking at the launch of his presidential campaign in Dublin tonight in the Pillar Room of the Rotunda (1st October 2011) Martin McGuinness has called for a "decade of reconciliation". The full text of the speech follows.
It is a pleasure for me to be here tonight amongst so many friends and well wishers. It is a great honour to stand before the Irish people seeking their support to lead this great nation.
I believe in Ireland. I believe in the Irish people.
Traveling around the country in recent years I have become more and more outraged at the greed and corruption which has given rise to the greatest economic crisis we have ever faced. It is a scandal that ordinary people up and down this island are paying for this every day while at the same time trying to keep a roof over their heads and food on their tables.
Who would have thought 150 years after the great land battles in Ireland after Davitt and the Land League that the prospect of eviction is looming again for Irish families.
Who would have thought 100 years on from the Dublin lock out when Connolly and Larkin stood with the people, that workers like those in Talk Talk in Waterford are once again being thrown on the dole queue without so much as a thank you in the Ireland of 2011.
The greed and selfishness that dominated so much of political and business life in Ireland in the Celtic Tiger years is responsible for the financial mess we find ourselves in today.
Those responsible for this state of affairs are not patriots. Patriotism is about country and people. It is not about self aggrandizement.
But greed and selfishness is not the Irish way — local identity, community and sense of place is what defines us as Irish people, knowing and helping your neighbour, being tolerant to those who are different.
As President I will be at the forefront of an Ireland reclaiming its true sense of identity. I want to give the Irish people back their confidence. We have seen the greed of powerful and wealthy groups dent the Irish spirit. We need to see genuine values replace a culture of individualism.
As President I want to see every citizen regain a sense of pride in their Irish identity. I want to highlight the importance of community and inclusion which are the cornerstones of Irish life. Ireland can and should be a place of positivity where creativity and innovation are nurtured.
Too many cynics stand in the way of our country reaching its true potential. I want to see Ireland reclaim the greatness of the tens of millions of Irish people across the world who are the leaders and innovators in the countries in which they now reside. I will be a President for all the Irish people including the Disapora. As a father and grandfather, I refuse to be part of the first generation of Irish people to hand this society on to the next in a worse economic state than it was given to us.
As President I will work tirelessly to fix what has been broken and to inspire everyone who is Irish or who has links to Ireland across the world to work together to make our country great again. If the Irish people vote for me as their President they know what they will get. Throughout 40 years and more of political activism, on the streets of Derry, in Downing Street, in the White House, in the Assembly and on Good Friday I have sought to bring a set of basic principles to my work – commitment – leadership – patriotism – endeavour – selflessness and a deep commitment to Ireland and her people.
As President I will defend and promote Ireland. I will uphold the constitution. I will stand up for sovereignty and freedom. Titles have never been important to me. Political office has never been about perks. The only thing about seeking or reaching high office which motivates me is how that office can be used to make a positive contribution to people’s lives.
That is why I have already said I will only take home the average wage and return the rest to the Irish people. It is high time those at the top shared the pain and showed a bit of empathy with the rest of us.
I reject the notion put forward by some that the President of Ireland is somehow a meaningless or powerless role. This does a grave disservice to the Presidents who have gone before – particularly I have to say both Mary Robinson and Mary McAleese – whose work as President has inspired and motivated so many Irish people both here and abroad. People have asked me in the course of recent weeks why I want to be President — that surely it would have been easier for me to simply continue as Deputy First Minister in the North. And there may well be some truth in that.. But this isn’t about me – I am standing because ordinary people the length and breath of this island have inspired me to run and in turn I want to inspire them as their President.
I want to be a President that stands for working families; for those struggling to pay mortgages; for parents fighting for better support for their children; for those with disabilities; for those lying on hospital trolleys; for elderly people fearful in their own homes at night or making a decision this winter on whether to heat their home; for those talented young Irish people being forced to emigrate to far flung corners of the world.
What Ireland needs now is investment and jobs. As Deputy First Minister, I have, along with Ministerial colleagues brought thousands of new jobs to the north – I want to use my international reputation – my influence and skills to go to the boardrooms of major US corporations and elsewhere and help bring new jobs to these shores.I want to act as an ambassador for all those indigenous firms who have, despite the massive challenges, provided employment and generated wealth.
The period during the next Presidency will see the centenary of many defining moments in our history. It would be my intention as President to use the next ten years from 2012 and the centenary of the formation of the UVF, the Home Rule campaign and the signing of the Ulster Covenant and the anniversary of the 1916 Rising to transform this decade of commemorations into a Decade of Reconciliation.
The Decade of Reconciliation would celebrate the diverse nature of our society, celebrate the peace we now have and commemorate the events of 100 years ago which defined the direction of Ireland up to the present generation. I believe that this is what the signatories of the 1916 Proclamation would have wanted.
We must continue to reunify the people of Ireland through reconciliation and respect. That is what will lead to an Ireland that is truly united. I am very confident in my Irishness. As President I will attend any relevant event to celebrate the different cultural views and political identities that exist in Ireland. There is a need for political maturity and tolerance of the differing views on this island throughout this sensitive period.
Outreach is not something that is confined to the North. There are many sections of Irish society who have felt excluded over many years. As President I want to reach out to them and make the Office of the President and the Aras institutions that they identify with and feel welcome in. This election is about leadership. I am willing to stand up and be counted and this juncture in our nation’s history. I will bring passion, patriotism and pride to the Presidency. I want the Irish people to stand with me.
Tuesday, 27 September 2011
A People`s President
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McGuinnness vows to be President who is independent of the Government
Speaking today Presidential candidate Martin McGuinness said he would be a president who is independent of Government. McGuinness said it was important the president act in the people’s interest in respect of his or her constitutional duties and not be open to pressure of influence from...View more
Wednesday, 21 September 2011
Poverty - a Bar to Independence?
Are wealthy nations alone entitled to govern themselves or is this argument a complete fallacy?
Too poor to be independent: Same old story
http://newsnetscotland.com/index.php/scottish-opinion/3166-too-poor-to-be-independent-the-same-old-story.html
On the above website
Tuesday, 13 September 2011 16:08
This article appeared in the Welsh Independence Blogspot and is republished here with permission of Cambria magazine. Siôn is author of the book The Phenomenon of Welshness, published by Carreg Gwalch.
Too poor to be independent: Same old story
by Siôn Jobbins
"Wales is too poor to be independent. It’s not economically viable." Funny, were Wales given a penny every time somebody said that, then Wales would certainly be economically viable!
This 'can’t afford independence' is a common refrain by commentators and politicians alike, and is currently used with great gusto as an argument against Scottish independence. But a quick glance through the articles, editorials and letters page of the past makes it clear that Wales and Scotland haven’t been the only European countries 'which can’t afford independence'. It seems to be the standard line every time a small country strives for freedom.
Malta was one example. An editorial in The Times on 7 January 1959 noted gravely:
"Malta cannot live on its own … the island could pay for only one-fifths of her food and essential imports; well over a quarter of the present labour force would be out of work and the economy of the country would collapse with out British Treasury subventions. Talk of full independence for Malta is therefore hopelessly impractical."
The Times published a letter on 21 January 1964 by a Joseph Agius of Ta' Xbiex on Malta stating fearfully of:
"... the folly of giving independence to Malta when we are not economically prepared for it."
Malta gained independence on 21 September 1964. It is essentially a city state on a barren rock; from a British point of view it was a very large dock. In 2009 its GDP at $23,800 per capita was similar to other former imperial port cities like Liverpool, Newcastle or Marseilles.
Norway was another country which 'couldn’t afford independence'. Like Malta prior to independence, it had an amount of self-government, but within Sweden. One of the great bones of contention for Norway was that the consular service and tariffs were biased towards the more agrarian Swedish economy rather than the exporting Norwegian one. Even though the call for greater independence was widely felt across Norway, there were still some who were afraid of it and its consequences.
On 6 July 1892, The Times published a letter by 'RH' entitled, ‘A Warning from Norway’:
"… I may add that, as regards the immediate point of consular representation, the opinion of the commercial class in both kingdoms, as expressed in the chambers of commerce, beginning with the Norwegian capital itself, is decidedly hostile to it … At the same time it seems scarcely possible that the leaders of the movement can clearly realise the fate they are preparing for the country by what may well be termed a suicidal agitation … would not a free national existence but subserviency, not to say bondage to Russia … [Norway] reduced to conditions of a central Asian khanate."
Norway gained independence on 13 May 1905. It didn’t become a 'central Asian khanate'.
In a rare article on Icelandic politics, the Guardian wrote a sentence on 23 March 1908, which I guess has been used for all former colonies:
"It is very interesting to note that in this connection that Denmark has to pay a heavy price for her nominal possession of Iceland in the form of a large annual subvention [that word again!] to the Budget of the island."
To bring us closer to our present time, Slovakia gained independence in the famous 'Velvet Divorce' in 1993 and again the questions of its future were raised. In a generally balanced editorial, the Independent on 31 December 1992 noted:
"… there is no shortage of potential disputes. Currency union is doomed, with the Czechs determined to balance their budget and the Slovaks expected to head down the road of deficit financing and inflation."
The Guardian’s report two days after independence of the two new states on 3 January 1993 highlighted that:
"Many people see the split as a failure and others are nervous about proving themselves in an uncertain world."
What no report on Slovak (or Czech, Norwegian, Icelandic or Maltese) independence seem to suggest or foresee is the economic success which they have been.
In this respect, the general tone of the British mindset varies from a mild independence-scepticism to hostility towards most forms of independence. A scepticism which is at times more irrational and unscientific than that which the 'romantic' nationalists are accused of.
There are presently 192 members of the UN – they can all 'afford independence'. This month there will be another when the UN will accept its latest member, South Sudan. Yes, South Sudan can 'afford independence'. There is also another country which is expected to declare independence this summer. It is the one country which in terms of its fractured geography, fractious politics and crippled economy you would expect to hear an argument that it 'can't afford independence'. That country is Palestine. However, in much the same way that Scotland seems to be uniquely the only oil-producing country in the world which British left wingers think would be poorer with independence, Palestine seems to be the only state which no left winger questions if it could 'afford independence'.
Which leads me to question if there is a deeper reason for the historic reaction which some of our self-appointed 'progressive' friends have against independence for smaller European nations?
In a little quoted article titled 'The Magyar Struggle' in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on 13 January 1849 the co-founder of Communism, Freidrich Engels wrote of the 'primitive' and 'counter-revolutionary peoples' of Europe. These were nations such as the Basques, Bretons, Scottish Highlanders and Serbians whom he patronised for not having even reached the stage of capitalism. He calls them ‘völkerabfälle’ (racial trash / residual nations). He says:
"... these residual fragments of peoples always become fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution and remain so until their complete extirpation or loss of their national character, just as their whole existence in general is itself a protest against a great historical revolution."
Is this the root of the historical world-view among some so-called progressives, of deep hostility towards independence for some European nations ? Is it that these progressives (and economists) see the larger nations, as Engels would say as "the main vehicle of historical development" to the detriment of smaller nations who seem, by definition, to be insular and counter-revolutionary?
But back to July 2010. Of course, South Sudan gaining independence is hardly an economic inspiration for Welsh independence. Not even the South Sudanese wish to celebrate their economic fortune. But then, the comparison for all economic scenarios, pre or post independence, in the short term at least, is the context of the neighbouring countries.
So, let’s discuss independence in another frame? Maybe we should view economic independence in light of it just being another economic transition.
The Welsh economy has been through several major economic transitions; agrarian in the early 19th century, then an industrial revolution, and a managed (or badly managed) process of de-industrialisation.
Independence would be but another economic transition. No Welsh economist or politician would advocate the Welsh economy to be the same in 20 years time as it is now. There will be change whatever happens, so why not a more fundamental economic change with independence as the vehicle?
There are of course those who argue that Wales is 'too poor' and I’ll leave that debate to those more capable than me in the statistical war of attrition but I’ll make a few comments.
The Welsh economy has been in historic decline since 1923 when the price of coal peaked. During that time Wales has been through 3 of the 5 stages of constitutional states. It’s been governed as an integral part of 'the Realm of England' (1536-1959); as a part of England but with some administrative functions - the Welsh Office period (1959-1999); and as a state with some self-government (1999 until the present day).
There are two stages left, generally speaking. The first is self-government with some taxation powers and then independence. Both the first three constitutional settlements have not improved Wales's economic well-being. Why not, from an economic point of view, try the other two?
In the same way that I believe independence is a vehicle to revive a weak language and culture I believe economic independence is the best way to revive a weak economy. It is the journey as well as the destination.
And I’m not the only one who thinks so. As predictable as the articles 'can the Turnip-eaters afford independence?' are the articles post independence by the same papers which point how better off, economically and culturally, the countries are.
One quick example, again from that barren rock in the North Atlantic, Iceland – the little country which had the courage to tell their bankers where to go.
On, 1 December 1938, twenty years and a World War after The Guardian’s dire assessment, the Times wrote a glowing report on Iceland’s twentieth anniversary of independence from Denmark. Subtitled with the decidedly modernist, 'Roads and Radio' the Times notes succinctly:
"Side by side with the political liberation of the country, developed the gradual economic emancipation of the island."
The article continues by outlining the many benefits gained since independence, especially in the fields of modern communications.
So what of Wales? Wales today is guilty of voting for a sort of national Gombeenism form of economic politics. The Gombeen man is the Irish politician who’s only out to get some economic or social gain for his constituency, devoid of a broader political or philosophical outlook. Wales, by belatedly wanting 'fair funding' from Westminster, sulking over 'unfair cuts', 'demanding' electrification of railways, but shirking responsibility over large energy generating projects or taxation policies is only furthering the Gombeen image of itself. It’s humiliating and unnecessary.
In his recent article, 'Small is cute, sexy and successful: Why Independence for Wales and other countries makes Economic Sense' in the Harvard Kennedy Review, Adam Price makes a case for independence for 'small' nations. He compares the economic fortunes of independent Luxembourg and its neighbour, the German province, Saarland since the Second World War. The case is compelling. A similar case could possible be made in relation to Singapore which became independent of Malaysia in 1965 and Zanzibar which lost its independence and joined Tanganyika to form Tanzania in 1964.
But we needn’t look to foreign lands for inspiration or precedent. There’s a successful case of Wales not being 'too poor to be independent' in every parish in our land – the founding of the Church in Wales in 1922.
Like those Wilsonian new East European states, it could hardly have been formed at a worse time! After 800 years, the Welsh church became independent during what the Rev D.T. W. Price in his book; A History of the Church in Wales in the Twentieth Century (1990) calls 'the locust years'. "Nonetheless," as the Rev Price notes, "by 1937 it was generally felt, and rightly so, that the financial condition of the Church in Wales was as sound as it had been before disestablishment."
Independence would force politicians and us voters in Wales to grow up. We would be economically viable because we would have to be – we’d have to learn to swim. Let's look at 'good practice'. After communism, bling-capitalism, imperialism, state socialism, supra-national states or religious statehood, the nation-state and independence is the one political construct which not one state or people has turned its back on. Independence works. It's time Wales made independence work for her.
Too poor to be independent: Same old story
http://newsnetscotland.com/index.php/scottish-opinion/3166-too-poor-to-be-independent-the-same-old-story.html
On the above website
Tuesday, 13 September 2011 16:08
This article appeared in the Welsh Independence Blogspot and is republished here with permission of Cambria magazine. Siôn is author of the book The Phenomenon of Welshness, published by Carreg Gwalch.
Too poor to be independent: Same old story
by Siôn Jobbins
"Wales is too poor to be independent. It’s not economically viable." Funny, were Wales given a penny every time somebody said that, then Wales would certainly be economically viable!
This 'can’t afford independence' is a common refrain by commentators and politicians alike, and is currently used with great gusto as an argument against Scottish independence. But a quick glance through the articles, editorials and letters page of the past makes it clear that Wales and Scotland haven’t been the only European countries 'which can’t afford independence'. It seems to be the standard line every time a small country strives for freedom.
Malta was one example. An editorial in The Times on 7 January 1959 noted gravely:
"Malta cannot live on its own … the island could pay for only one-fifths of her food and essential imports; well over a quarter of the present labour force would be out of work and the economy of the country would collapse with out British Treasury subventions. Talk of full independence for Malta is therefore hopelessly impractical."
The Times published a letter on 21 January 1964 by a Joseph Agius of Ta' Xbiex on Malta stating fearfully of:
"... the folly of giving independence to Malta when we are not economically prepared for it."
Malta gained independence on 21 September 1964. It is essentially a city state on a barren rock; from a British point of view it was a very large dock. In 2009 its GDP at $23,800 per capita was similar to other former imperial port cities like Liverpool, Newcastle or Marseilles.
Norway was another country which 'couldn’t afford independence'. Like Malta prior to independence, it had an amount of self-government, but within Sweden. One of the great bones of contention for Norway was that the consular service and tariffs were biased towards the more agrarian Swedish economy rather than the exporting Norwegian one. Even though the call for greater independence was widely felt across Norway, there were still some who were afraid of it and its consequences.
On 6 July 1892, The Times published a letter by 'RH' entitled, ‘A Warning from Norway’:
"… I may add that, as regards the immediate point of consular representation, the opinion of the commercial class in both kingdoms, as expressed in the chambers of commerce, beginning with the Norwegian capital itself, is decidedly hostile to it … At the same time it seems scarcely possible that the leaders of the movement can clearly realise the fate they are preparing for the country by what may well be termed a suicidal agitation … would not a free national existence but subserviency, not to say bondage to Russia … [Norway] reduced to conditions of a central Asian khanate."
Norway gained independence on 13 May 1905. It didn’t become a 'central Asian khanate'.
In a rare article on Icelandic politics, the Guardian wrote a sentence on 23 March 1908, which I guess has been used for all former colonies:
"It is very interesting to note that in this connection that Denmark has to pay a heavy price for her nominal possession of Iceland in the form of a large annual subvention [that word again!] to the Budget of the island."
To bring us closer to our present time, Slovakia gained independence in the famous 'Velvet Divorce' in 1993 and again the questions of its future were raised. In a generally balanced editorial, the Independent on 31 December 1992 noted:
"… there is no shortage of potential disputes. Currency union is doomed, with the Czechs determined to balance their budget and the Slovaks expected to head down the road of deficit financing and inflation."
The Guardian’s report two days after independence of the two new states on 3 January 1993 highlighted that:
"Many people see the split as a failure and others are nervous about proving themselves in an uncertain world."
What no report on Slovak (or Czech, Norwegian, Icelandic or Maltese) independence seem to suggest or foresee is the economic success which they have been.
In this respect, the general tone of the British mindset varies from a mild independence-scepticism to hostility towards most forms of independence. A scepticism which is at times more irrational and unscientific than that which the 'romantic' nationalists are accused of.
There are presently 192 members of the UN – they can all 'afford independence'. This month there will be another when the UN will accept its latest member, South Sudan. Yes, South Sudan can 'afford independence'. There is also another country which is expected to declare independence this summer. It is the one country which in terms of its fractured geography, fractious politics and crippled economy you would expect to hear an argument that it 'can't afford independence'. That country is Palestine. However, in much the same way that Scotland seems to be uniquely the only oil-producing country in the world which British left wingers think would be poorer with independence, Palestine seems to be the only state which no left winger questions if it could 'afford independence'.
Which leads me to question if there is a deeper reason for the historic reaction which some of our self-appointed 'progressive' friends have against independence for smaller European nations?
In a little quoted article titled 'The Magyar Struggle' in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on 13 January 1849 the co-founder of Communism, Freidrich Engels wrote of the 'primitive' and 'counter-revolutionary peoples' of Europe. These were nations such as the Basques, Bretons, Scottish Highlanders and Serbians whom he patronised for not having even reached the stage of capitalism. He calls them ‘völkerabfälle’ (racial trash / residual nations). He says:
"... these residual fragments of peoples always become fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution and remain so until their complete extirpation or loss of their national character, just as their whole existence in general is itself a protest against a great historical revolution."
Is this the root of the historical world-view among some so-called progressives, of deep hostility towards independence for some European nations ? Is it that these progressives (and economists) see the larger nations, as Engels would say as "the main vehicle of historical development" to the detriment of smaller nations who seem, by definition, to be insular and counter-revolutionary?
But back to July 2010. Of course, South Sudan gaining independence is hardly an economic inspiration for Welsh independence. Not even the South Sudanese wish to celebrate their economic fortune. But then, the comparison for all economic scenarios, pre or post independence, in the short term at least, is the context of the neighbouring countries.
So, let’s discuss independence in another frame? Maybe we should view economic independence in light of it just being another economic transition.
The Welsh economy has been through several major economic transitions; agrarian in the early 19th century, then an industrial revolution, and a managed (or badly managed) process of de-industrialisation.
Independence would be but another economic transition. No Welsh economist or politician would advocate the Welsh economy to be the same in 20 years time as it is now. There will be change whatever happens, so why not a more fundamental economic change with independence as the vehicle?
There are of course those who argue that Wales is 'too poor' and I’ll leave that debate to those more capable than me in the statistical war of attrition but I’ll make a few comments.
The Welsh economy has been in historic decline since 1923 when the price of coal peaked. During that time Wales has been through 3 of the 5 stages of constitutional states. It’s been governed as an integral part of 'the Realm of England' (1536-1959); as a part of England but with some administrative functions - the Welsh Office period (1959-1999); and as a state with some self-government (1999 until the present day).
There are two stages left, generally speaking. The first is self-government with some taxation powers and then independence. Both the first three constitutional settlements have not improved Wales's economic well-being. Why not, from an economic point of view, try the other two?
In the same way that I believe independence is a vehicle to revive a weak language and culture I believe economic independence is the best way to revive a weak economy. It is the journey as well as the destination.
And I’m not the only one who thinks so. As predictable as the articles 'can the Turnip-eaters afford independence?' are the articles post independence by the same papers which point how better off, economically and culturally, the countries are.
One quick example, again from that barren rock in the North Atlantic, Iceland – the little country which had the courage to tell their bankers where to go.
On, 1 December 1938, twenty years and a World War after The Guardian’s dire assessment, the Times wrote a glowing report on Iceland’s twentieth anniversary of independence from Denmark. Subtitled with the decidedly modernist, 'Roads and Radio' the Times notes succinctly:
"Side by side with the political liberation of the country, developed the gradual economic emancipation of the island."
The article continues by outlining the many benefits gained since independence, especially in the fields of modern communications.
So what of Wales? Wales today is guilty of voting for a sort of national Gombeenism form of economic politics. The Gombeen man is the Irish politician who’s only out to get some economic or social gain for his constituency, devoid of a broader political or philosophical outlook. Wales, by belatedly wanting 'fair funding' from Westminster, sulking over 'unfair cuts', 'demanding' electrification of railways, but shirking responsibility over large energy generating projects or taxation policies is only furthering the Gombeen image of itself. It’s humiliating and unnecessary.
In his recent article, 'Small is cute, sexy and successful: Why Independence for Wales and other countries makes Economic Sense' in the Harvard Kennedy Review, Adam Price makes a case for independence for 'small' nations. He compares the economic fortunes of independent Luxembourg and its neighbour, the German province, Saarland since the Second World War. The case is compelling. A similar case could possible be made in relation to Singapore which became independent of Malaysia in 1965 and Zanzibar which lost its independence and joined Tanganyika to form Tanzania in 1964.
But we needn’t look to foreign lands for inspiration or precedent. There’s a successful case of Wales not being 'too poor to be independent' in every parish in our land – the founding of the Church in Wales in 1922.
Like those Wilsonian new East European states, it could hardly have been formed at a worse time! After 800 years, the Welsh church became independent during what the Rev D.T. W. Price in his book; A History of the Church in Wales in the Twentieth Century (1990) calls 'the locust years'. "Nonetheless," as the Rev Price notes, "by 1937 it was generally felt, and rightly so, that the financial condition of the Church in Wales was as sound as it had been before disestablishment."
Independence would force politicians and us voters in Wales to grow up. We would be economically viable because we would have to be – we’d have to learn to swim. Let's look at 'good practice'. After communism, bling-capitalism, imperialism, state socialism, supra-national states or religious statehood, the nation-state and independence is the one political construct which not one state or people has turned its back on. Independence works. It's time Wales made independence work for her.
Sunday, 18 September 2011
Towards a United Ireland
Sinn Fein confirms McGuinness for Irish presidency
By Andrew Bushe | AFP – 1 hour 57 minutes agoRelated Content
Enlarge PhotoSinn Fein's Martin McGuinness (right) is greeted by a supporter as he arrives for …
Enlarge PhotoNorthern Ireland's Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness (left) speaks to the media, …
Martin McGuinness, a former commander of the IRA and Northern Ireland's deputy first minister, was officially confirmed on Sunday as his Sinn Fein party's candidate for next month's Irish presidential election.
The socialist republican party's executive, the Ard Chomhairle, unanimously backed a proposal to nominate the 61-year-old, with Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams saying: "He embodies everything that is needed in a political leader."
McGuinness is expected to obtain the required support of 20 Irish lawmakers by the time nominations close on September 28. The election for the presidency, a ceremonial role currently held by Mary McAleese, is on October 27.
McGuinness will struggle to win -- Sinn Fein took just 9.9 percent of the vote in February's general elections in Ireland, and the bookmakers have ranked him third behind candidates from the ruling Fine Gael and Labour parties.
But the decision to field a Sinn Fein candidate for the presidency for the first time ever is a sign of the party's growing presence south of the border.
Despite his four years as the second most senior figure in Northern Ireland's devolved administration in Belfast, McGuinness remains controversial.
He was a leading member of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the paramilitary group responsible for much of the violence during the three decades of sectarian violence that plagued British-ruled Northern Ireland.
However, he was also a key player in the peace process. He was viewed as instrumental in the IRA's decision to hold a ceasefire and then give up its weapons, and was a chief negotiator for the landmark 1998 Good Friday peace deal.
"When I first set out on my political journey in the streets of Derry city over 40 years ago, little did I think I would ever end up here," McGuinness told reporters at a press conference in Dublin.
McGuinness was born in the Northern Ireland town of Londonderry, a stronghold of republicanism, but he also holds a passport for the Republic of Ireland.
"I would see the presidency as being central in the unfinished business of the peace process, namely national reconciliation," between Northern Ireland and the Republic, he said.
The father of four said he had been "humbled" to be contacted by relatives of IRA victims pledging their support, adding: "This election needs to be about a new beginning. I do new beginnings."
He promised that if elected, he would draw only the average salary and donate the rest of his presidential wage to the Irish people.
McGuinness will not resign as Northern Ireland's deputy first minister but will step aside for the presidential campaign, handing over temporarily to Sinn Fein education minister John O'Dowd.
Political reaction to McGuinness's candidacy has been muted, although commentators said it promised to reinvigorate what was looking like a lacklustre race.
The socialist republican party's executive, the Ard Chomhairle, unanimously backed a proposal to nominate the 61-year-old, with Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams saying: "He embodies everything that is needed in a political leader."
McGuinness is expected to obtain the required support of 20 Irish lawmakers by the time nominations close on September 28. The election for the presidency, a ceremonial role currently held by Mary McAleese, is on October 27.
McGuinness will struggle to win -- Sinn Fein took just 9.9 percent of the vote in February's general elections in Ireland, and the bookmakers have ranked him third behind candidates from the ruling Fine Gael and Labour parties.
But the decision to field a Sinn Fein candidate for the presidency for the first time ever is a sign of the party's growing presence south of the border.
Despite his four years as the second most senior figure in Northern Ireland's devolved administration in Belfast, McGuinness remains controversial.
He was a leading member of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the paramilitary group responsible for much of the violence during the three decades of sectarian violence that plagued British-ruled Northern Ireland.
However, he was also a key player in the peace process. He was viewed as instrumental in the IRA's decision to hold a ceasefire and then give up its weapons, and was a chief negotiator for the landmark 1998 Good Friday peace deal.
"When I first set out on my political journey in the streets of Derry city over 40 years ago, little did I think I would ever end up here," McGuinness told reporters at a press conference in Dublin.
McGuinness was born in the Northern Ireland town of Londonderry, a stronghold of republicanism, but he also holds a passport for the Republic of Ireland.
"I would see the presidency as being central in the unfinished business of the peace process, namely national reconciliation," between Northern Ireland and the Republic, he said.
The father of four said he had been "humbled" to be contacted by relatives of IRA victims pledging their support, adding: "This election needs to be about a new beginning. I do new beginnings."
He promised that if elected, he would draw only the average salary and donate the rest of his presidential wage to the Irish people.
McGuinness will not resign as Northern Ireland's deputy first minister but will step aside for the presidential campaign, handing over temporarily to Sinn Fein education minister John O'Dowd.
Political reaction to McGuinness's candidacy has been muted, although commentators said it promised to reinvigorate what was looking like a lacklustre race.
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