INDEPENDENCE CYMRU

Leaving Politics Aside, Scotland Deserves Freedom

2012-01-27T08:55:00.000-08:00

In an about turn contemplated over several years, our UK Political Editor Harry Cole sets out why he now supports the notion of an independent Scotland

Ae fond kiss, and then we sever! Ae farewell, and then forever!

Written by Harry Coleon 25 January 2012 at 4pm

Sponsored Message: With characteristic bluster the First Minister chose Burns Night to set out his plans for the promised referendum on Scottish independence. As Salmond said this afternoon, independence would give “a fundamentally better relationship across these islands, and a more balanced one than we have today.” I agree with Alex.

Anyone who ever had the dubious pleasure of hearing me hone my public speaking skills in the debating chambers and drunken dinner parties at Edinburgh University will wonder where my body has been buried by the end of this piece. We will hear the defence of the union between England and Scotland countless times over the next few years, and it’s an argument that five years ago I could give you standing on my head. However, I just don’t believe it anymore.

Having lived in Edinburgh for four years, since returning south my unionist credentials have weakened by the day. It’s not just the much trodden notion that, in political terms, the right would be the biggest victors of a split. That idea doesn’t hold much water anyway. The issue of Scottish freedom goes beyond party politics, though there are plenty of reasons why politicos of all colours should not be scared of the consequences.

Scotland is not well. This is the nation that gave us the telephone, the television, reason, logic, economics and whisky. Yet since the business interests of some three hundred Edinburgh merchants over-ruled the desires of the rest of a nation in 1707, Scotland has been in decline. The brain drain that saw enlightened Scots give America its magnificent constitution has never stopped.

What remains is a nation dependent on the state; a hand out culture and a something for nothing utopia. An insult to its past. And this will never change while Scotland remains the junior partner in a relationship it never asked to be in. According to the 1909 census, Scots were the tallest people in Europe, yet they now have a life expectancy four years lower than the European average. With two thirds of the country living off, or employed directly by, the state, it is clear that dependency is not working.

As is so often the case, the solution to this problem is freedom. Scotland will not recover while dependent on London. This conversion to the cause is not to say I will suddenly be supporting the SNP. Their machine is smothering Scottish freedoms through their continuous feeding of the state machine.

With Devolution Max, the obvious halfway house to full independence, Scotland would be raising its own taxes and will be forced to realise that free prescriptions and free education for life are the perks of a society free of responsibility. Salmond is not the man to lead a free country and his ideas on how to get there are deeply flawed. However, that is not to say he is wrong on the core issue that drives his fight.

The SNP are not yet signed up to the reality based community and they seem to be doing everything to avoid having to tell the Scottish people how it really is.

With Devo-Max, Scotland will take its share of the debt and for the first time their fair share of the pain. With economic stagnation on either side of the border, both Scotland and England need a rival. With independence or Devo-Max these two nations can rival each other.

This mire that blights us both could be solved through two economies competing for trade; two economies forced to reduce tax to attract investment; Edinburgh’s financial West-End slashing rates to challenge the City. The two nations cannot properly compete while one is latched onto the Westminster teat. Two neighbouring nations must become friendly rivals.

And what of the other half of this once convenient marriage? There are those on the English right who support Scottish freedom because of the lazy idea that it would lead to a permanent Conservative majority in the UK. In 2005 there were nearly one hundred thousand more Conservative voters in England, and by May 2010 that figure was closer to million.

As for English Labour, they would learn to adapt to survive. It would probably require a shift further right for Labour in order to win, but that is natural given that they will no longer have the support of their guaranteed Scottish returns. It does not take much to envisage a Labour leader who can eat into the small-c conservative majority that makes up England. Hell, it wasn't too long ago they were winning election after election on those terms.

And all would not be lost for liberals and self-proclaimed progressives either. If Scotland were to separate it would come in stages, with Devo-max the obvious halfway house. Such a break would leave Westminster to debate and decide foreign policy and defence, but England would have to have a separate legislature for its own affairs.

In all likelihood, and rightly so, this new English parliament will be elected by some sort of proportional system. Our First Past the Post system luckily evolved into something better in reality than it looks on paper, but in all honesty even its most vocal supporters could not say that a brand a new system should be built by the same design. The potential for a real role for a fully elected House of Lords would be forced into play by a split, too.

The matter of Scottish independence goes beyond party politics. All sides of the political debate have something to lose from the split, but that is far outweighed by what the two separate countries will gain. Economic revival, cultural rejuvenation and a more a democratic country should be the dream of all parties and Devo-max can provide that. It is a step that makes sense for the futures of both England and Scotland.

The Act of Union served those who wanted it well, but the majority were never asked. The time has come to rectify that, and to take a leaf from Salmond’s book, I’ll let Burns have the last word:

“Ae fond kiss, and then we sever!

Ae farewell, and then forever! “

Harry Cole is the UK Political Editor for The Commentator and the News Editor for the Guido Fawkes Blog. He tweets at @MrHarryCole

Tags: Alex Salmond, Alex Salmond Burns Night, An independent Scotland good for friendly competition with England, Devolution Max, Edinburgh, Harry Cole and Scottish independence, Scottish independence, Should Scotland break away from the Union?, Where would an independent Scotland leave Labour?, Why Scotland must become independent, Will an independent Scotland benefit the Conservative Party?, devolution, harry cole

Hamish MacDonnell - This New Scotland is Slick and Professional

It was no coincidence: Alex Salmond chose the Great Hall of Edinburgh Castle and Burns’ Night to launch his consultation on an independence referendum yesterday so he could send out the message that this was about Scotland and nothing else.

From the high, wood-beamed ceiling and the suits of armour in this most impressive of ancient Scottish halls to the lines of verse from Scotland’s national bard which the Scottish First Minister dripped into his speech, everything was designed to impress – and not just the Scots.

There were reporters from China, broadcasters from Spain and bloggers from Russia packed into the hall – all there to find out whether the United Kingdom was about to be broken up.

And because he knew his message would go world-wide, Mr Salmond was most careful too in the impression he gave about his vision for Scotland.

“This is a most prosperous country,” he declared – without pausing to let anybody query that statement.

He quoted Rabbie Burns, he spoke of the history of the Great Hall – the venue for the first recorded meeting of the Scots Parliament 900 years ago - and he spoke of his vision for the future of Scotland as a free, independent, progressive European nation state.

Soon after he started, though, the wind got up – as it tends to do around this rocky outcrop perched high above Scotland’s capital.

The gale started rattling the stained-glass windows and blowing around the grand fireplace behind the First Minister’s back.

“Ah, the winds of change,” Mr Salmond quipped.

In doing so, he both echoed Harold Macmillan’s famous speech of 1960 which heralded the break-up of British colonial Africa but he also showed he is as diligent a student of politics as any leader in these islands.

Apart from his entrance, which was a characteristic 45 minutes late, everything about Mr Salmond’s presentation oozed professionalism.

Every detail seemed to have been considered. The First Minister usually speaks from a lecturn embossed with the website address of the Scottish Government.

Not yesterday. For this big event, even the lecturn had been changed and now bore the web address of the referendum consultation paper – just in case it was picked up by the television cameras.

There was a modern new Saltire logo and everything was branded with the slogan: “Your Scotland, Your Referendum.”

It was slick and professional and it is this, above all, that should worry the UK Government. There may be considerable gaps in the detail of the SNP’s plans for independence but, on the surface at least, they appear unbeatable.

Plaid Leadership Contest

2012-01-27T08:44:00.000-08:00

Simon Thomas, Elin Jones, Leanne Wood & Dafydd Elis-Thomas

Cyhoeddi ymgeiswyr Arweiniaeth 2012

Annwyl Gyfaill

Rydw i’n falch iawn i gyhoeddi bod pedwar ymgeisydd yn cystadlu ar gyfer arweinyddiaeth y Blaid. Pedwar ymgeisydd cryf iawn sydd yn awyddus i arwain ein plaid – Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Elin Jones, Simon Thomas a Leanne Wood.

I’m delighted to announce that four candidates will contest the party’s leadership. Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Elin Jones, Simon Thomas and Leanne Wood are all extremely strong candidates to lead our party.

There’s been huge interest in this contest so far. The fact that so many members have chosen to be part of the process to elect a leader and move Plaid and Wales forward bodes well for our party in the future.

We’ve seen a surge in new members in recent months, all ready to play a part in making sure Wales moves forward and reaches its potential.

A series of hustings meetings will take place during February throughout Wales to give our thousands of members an opportunity to meet and put questions to all four candidates.

Whoever Plaid decides to choose as leader, we know that Plaid Cymru has the talent which is capable of inspiring and reaching out to everyone in all parts of Wales and delivering on their ambitions.

For Wales

Rhuanedd Richards

Plaid Cymru Chief Executive

Burns´ Night

2012-01-25T09:20:00.000-08:00

.

..Scottish leader turns to poet for referendum backing

By Mohammed Abbas
Reuters – 20 minutes ago....

Scotland's First Minister Alex Salmond launches the Scottish government's consultation paper on an indedependence referendum, in the debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh, Scotland January 25, 2012. REUTERS/David Moir

....EDINBURGH (Reuters) - Scotland's nationalist leader Alex Salmond marked Burns Night on Wednesday, when Scots toast their national poet, by unveiling his plans for an independence referendum in defiance of British government proposals.

Salmond compared Scotland's path to independence to Robert Burns' transformation in the 18th century from a simple ploughman to a literary legend as he set out plans for a vote in late 2014 on ending Scotland's 300-year union with England.

"The people who live in Scotland are the best people to make decisions about their own future. Of that there can be no doubt," Salmond told the devolved Scottish parliament.

"The question we intend to put to the Scottish people in the referendum .... is 'Do you agree that Scotland should be an independent country?'" the First Minister said, drawing applause from supporters in parliament where his Scottish National Party (SNP) has a majority.

Recent polls indicate only around 30 to 40 percent of the Scottish electorate support Scotland breaking away from Britain.

Others seem happy to support the SNP to lead a devolved government which can wring a good deal out of authorities in London, but do not want to break away from Britain.

Independence for Scotland would have profound economic and political consequences for Britain and its political path is being followed closely by others in Europe, including in Spain where some regions have long eyed independence.

At least seven Spanish news outlets were in Edinburgh to cover Salmond's address. After addressing parliament he was taken to brief international journalists at Edinburgh castle, backdrop to centuries of conflict between the English and Scots.

SPIRIT OF BANNOCKBURN

The government in London, which opposes independence, insists only it can grant Salmond the power to hold a legally binding vote. It wants to force an early poll before Salmond can build support for a breakaway.

The SNP leader wants to hold the referendum in autumn 2014 when he would be able to ride a wave of nationalist sentiment on the 700th anniversary of the Battle of Bannockburn, an historic victory over the English.

The SNP leader would also benefit from the feel-good factor of Scotland hosting the Commonwealth Games and Ryder Cup sporting events that year. Scotland's population of around 5.2 million makes up a small percentage of Britain's 62.3 million.

Salmond quoted the Burns' poem A Man's A Man For A' That, which contains lines mocking privileged lords, to back his case.

"I'm told there are members of the House of Lords (the upper house of the London parliament) who believe that it is in their province to set boundaries on what Scotland can and cannot do.

"Perhaps they should be reminded that Burns' great hymn to equality has been heard in this Parliament before," he said.

The government also insists on a say in how the referendum is run, including the crucial issue of the type and number of questions asked. #

It prefers a simple "yes/no" ballot while Salmond said he also wanted a third option, known as "devo max," which would devolve to Scotland further powers from the British parliament in Westminster without outright independence.

London says a referendum including that question would be rigged in the SNP's favour because a three-way split in the ballot could give the separatists a win with fewer votes, and a possible consolation prize of more devolved powers if they lost.

(Reporting by Keith Weir; editing by Robert Woodward)

2012-01-25T08:34:00.000-08:00

A Few Words on Independence

2012-01-16T09:08:00.000-08:00

Scotland´s independence programme is well on track. As predicted the three British parties - Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat are united in their opposition to independence and have been attempting to trap Alex Salmond into holding an immmediate referendum on a clear choice YES or NO on Scottish independence. The Chief Miinister has resisted the temptation for obvious reasons. If the vote were held today it might well be lost. The election will therefore be held in the aurumn of 2014.

With regard to Welsh independence, as this blog predicted the way forward in Wales is to await Scottish independence to be achieved when the dismantling of the Union has become a fait accomplis. By that time the public will have become more accustomed to the changing political scene and will view Welsh independence as a real and viable possibility. The eventual outcome will be the formation of the four nations of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland (united) within the European Community of nations.

A Cornish Resurgence

2012-01-06T08:13:00.001-08:00

41% of children recorded as Cornish

The findings of the Pupil Level Annual School Census (PLASC) show that more and more families are choosing to identify themselves as Cornish.

Last year (2011), 41% of pupils were recorded as Cornish compared to 37% in 2010. A total of 28,584 pupils out of 69,811 said they were Cornish, compared to 23,808 out of 70,275 in 2009.

Schools are required to complete the annual pupil census by the Department for Education. It recommends that parents and guardians should determine the national identity for their children at primary schools, but pupils at secondary schools should decide their own ethnicity.

For many years, families were denied the opportunity to self-identify as Cornish but, following a strong campaign by various cultural, language and political groups, the option was inserted for the 2005 survey. In 2006, 24% of children were recorded as Cornish, which steadily rose to 27% in 2007, 30% in 2008 and 34% in 2009.

It is good to see the growing confidence of so many families, who are keen to record their national identity as Cornish.

A Call to Nationalists

2012-01-04T09:36:00.000-08:00

Dear Friends and Supporters,

Please call and fax:
Senator Kerry and Senator Lugar

IMMEDIATELY NO TIME TO WASTE!

ASK THEM TO PLEASE USE THEIR GOOD OFFICE AND CONTACT ATTORNEY GENERAL ERIC HOLDER Jr. AND SECRETARY OF STATE HILLARY CLINTON ASKING THEM TO PUT AN IMMEDIATE STOP TO THE BOSTON COLLEGE SUBPOENA AND STRESS THE THREAT TO ACADEMIC FREEDOM AND THE POLITICAL NATURE OF THAT THREAT TO THE PEACE PROCESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND.

Call

Senator John Kerry

Boston, MA 02114
(617) 565-8519

Washington D.C.
(202) 224-2742

Call and Fax

Senator Richard Lugar

Mark String - Aide

Indianapolis, IN

Phone (317) 226-5555

Fax (317) 226-5508

Washington D.C.

(202) 224-4814

SEND A SEPARATE FAX TO:

Secretary of State

Hillary Rodham Clinton

Phone 202-647-5291

Fax 202-261-8577

Attorney General
Eric Holder

Phone 202-514-2001
Fax 202-514-4371

ASK THEM TO PUT AN IMMEDIATE STOP TO THE BOSTON COLLEGE SUBPOENA AND STRESS THE THREAT TO ACADEMIC FREEDOM AND THE POLITICAL NATURE OF THAT THREAT TO THE PEACE PROCESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND.

Campaign for a United Ireland
http://aunitedireland.org/

Cilmeri Remembrance Day 2011

2011-12-07T09:53:00.000-08:00

Mabon Ap Gwynfor

1:27pm Dec 6

Cilmeri 2011

Here are the details for this year’s event. Come and join in commemorating the last Prince of Wales, “Llywelyn, Ein Llyw Olaf.”

Saturday 10th December 2011

10:30am: Meet outside the Prince Llywelyn Inn then travel in a motorcade to Llanynys Church for a Llywelyn memorial service (11.15) including the Mass and elegies to him.

12:30pm: Return to the Prince Llywelyn Inn for lunch.

2:30pm: Parade and rally at the Memorial Stone. Patriotic addresses. Laying of wreaths.

5:00pm: Entertainment in the Prince Llywelyn Inn.

Speakers include Plaid President, Jill Evans MEP, Jonathan Edwards MP and Roger Williams MP (Brecon and Radnor)

Wear ivy and remember to wear warm clothes and wellingtons

The Makers of Change

2011-12-04T06:23:00.000-08:00

Momentum with McGuinness
The Green Tide Surges Forward

It is a measure of the sense of political urgency with which the Sinn Féin leadership views the economic crisis in Ireland and particularly the 26 Cos. that we decided to stand Martin McGuinness in the Presidential election.

To borrow a phrase first used by the same political establishment which institutionalised the corrupt and gombeen practices, now a template for modern Irish politics and economic policy; the last 2 years in particular have been ‘GUBU-esque’ – grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented.

The southern economy is now mortgaged to the IMF, ECB and EU. Fine Gael and Labour are recycling the same policies which wrecked the economy, while Fianna Fail try to ‘con’ us all that none of this had anything to do with them while in government. Meanwhile in the 6 cos the British Government has slashed 4 billion sterling from the northern economy.

Currently there are 507,700 unemployed in Ireland.

Politics and economics are always about choices. Today Ireland is a byword for what happens when the wrong choices are made.

This economic crisis and the political establishment’s response to it are an anathema to republicanism.

Instead we choose change. Our political strategy is based upon a vision of change in Irish society. It’s all about attracting, persuading and winning the popular support to make positive change in citizens’ lives, while advancing our vision of a new united Republic.

The defining characteristics of modern republicanism are our strategy and leadership. So faced with crushing austerity, cutbacks, unemployment and emigration, it was an obvious decision to contest the Presidential election.

We judged that Martin’s candidacy was the most strategic way to positively impact upon the prevailing political situation in the 26 Cos, and nationally. The decision was made carefully with due consideration to building upon the electoral and political alternative Sinn Féin has delivered since the February 2011 general election; providing leadership and a real political choice in the midst of the economic crisis gripping the country; and our overall strategy for change.

Standing Martin in this election campaign was a bold move. And yes, it was a strategic initiative – unlike any undertaken before.

It was also high risk, because the negative offensive from establishment politicians and media were inevitable.

But the potential to popularise republican politics among a greater cross section of popular opinion, north and south, and to give voters the choice of positive leadership, in the face of hopelessness, far outweighed any reservations or doubts.

Put simply; contesting this election was the right thing to do!

Sinn Féin chose to give leadership.

And, 243,000 voters vindicated that decision.

Sinn Féin’s vote increased. New political momentum was injected into the party project in the south. The election agenda was set by Sinn Féin; republicanism was further mainstreamed, and the politics of a united Ireland were popularised. It was also an election which energised republican people everywhere, throughout Ireland and the Diaspora.

Sometime after the February general election the Party leadership set an organisational and electoral growth target to achieve 13% share of the vote by 2014 in the south. That target was eclipsed by this Presidential election result in 8 months!

But more, Martin McGuinness attracted an overall total of 391,000 first and second preference votes, representing 22% of all first and second preference votes cast.

In fact, during 2011 arising from the general election, Assembly and Presidential election campaigns over 420,000 citizens gave their first preferences to Sinn Féin.

A mighty result indeed. Testament to the steady application of Sinn Féin’s political strategy for change and its incremental, but growing relevance among our people. Vindication also, of our refusal to stay static, or to accept the status quo.

Of course this takes time. Our trajectory is long-term.

But consider: in 1982, at the outset of our electoral strategy Sinn Féin secured 10.1% and 1% of the vote respectively in Assembly and general elections north and south. Today our share % of the total vote is 26.9 and 13.7 north and south, respectively.

All-Ireland politics were placed centre stage during this Presidential election campaign. Sinn Féin is now irreversibly part of the 26 counties’ political discourse. Our political message struck a massive chord with voters. And, through our work in the Oireachtas and political campaigns in the coming months, it will continue to do so. Simultaneously the Party’s focus in the 6 county Assembly and Executive continues to be on delivering and championing change and equality on a cross-departmental and all-Ireland basis.

Sinn Féin strategy is never static. Republicanism has not advanced by standing still. We must constantly seek new political momentum; set new political challenges for ourselves; and, then adapt with appropriate electoral and organisational plans and programmes.

We need to be very ambitious. Brave, and ambitious enough to always set the bar higher for ourselves.

So what next for republicans?

The next scheduled election will be European elections across the 32 counties, and council elections in the 26 counties in June 2014.

Our electoral ambitions by then should be to achieve 500,000 first preference votes for Sinn Féin.

Yes, half a million!

To elect the maximum number of MEPs; and, a record number of county and town councillors in the south.

But, that will mean building and regenerating the Party organisation; developing political and organisational capacity, and financial and human resources. Specifically Sinn Féin must:

recruit more new members;
expand the membership base; and in particular, encourage the formation of area Youth Committees;
promote the national youth strategy at every level in the Party;
devise and implement DEA and LEA based organisational and electoral plans north and south;
focus upon localised electoral organisation, structure and training;
increase our fundraising efforts;
prioritise growth in sales of An Phoblacht in every county and city;
integrate all of these tasks with the political strategies and work plans of the 6 and 26 counties Political Directorates;
timeframe our approach to delivering on these programmes of work;
and, ensure we do so on a strategic, national basis, with maximum political cohesion, at all times.

In the immediate term, our political, publicity and campaign focus must be upon challenging austerity, cutbacks and unemployment north and south; the 26 counties budget and ‘handover’ to the Anglo Irish bondholders; the potential for another European referendum aimed at undermining the 26 counties economic and fiscal sovereignty again; and, the British government inspired welfare reform measures, and continued contraction in the Treasury block grant to the 6 counties economy. Meanwhile, the campaign for a united Ireland needs driven forward here and abroad.

This Presidential campaign was the most ideological election in the south since 1922.

The political fault lines of the 26 counties state were exposed – partitionism, graft and cronyism, gombeenism, and the ascendancy of a political, corporate elite with no regard for the welfare of citizens.

Republicanism was energised by the campaign across the island. That translated into enormous practical support, especially in the north.

Many from the diverse worlds of culture, arts, business, sport and civic society both north and south, publicly endorsed the leadership that Martin’s candidacy represented.

A national conversation began through this outreach and interaction, which now needs to be continued by Sinn Féin. The language and concepts underpinning that conversation on a new Republic, and what it should mean politically, economically, culturally and socially need to be addressed by republicans, and mainstreamed within wider society.

The challenge now for each republican is to work collectively to start that discussion within every sector of Irish society, and particularly, with unionist people.

Moving forward from this election we need to actualise, and demonstrate our ambition for change in every way possible: to be inspirational – with the language we use, our political activism and campaigns, and the vision we promote.

The republican project and vision for change was powerfully advanced by the Presidential election. Republican values went toe to toe with the hydra of partitionism, cronyism and gombeenism.

Another milestone on the road to a new republic. A new Green Tide.

But we also need to listen to what the people said during this election. And, we need to absorb the lessons of the campaign. Complacency is our enemy.

This wasn’t just another election.

New strategic opportunities now exist. They are national. In every county. But to continue successfully making change we need to raise the bar higher. There has never been a better time to popularise republicanism, to build the republican alternative, and grow Sinn Féin.

We need to harness the potential this strategic initiative created, by applying ourselves with energy, organisation, unity of purpose, cohesion and renewed strategic focus.

Let’s ensure it’s ‘game on’ for 2014.

Change is the talisman of today’s republicans. Think about it.

We are the change makers!

Campaign for a United Ireland

From Mebyon Kernow - Sons of Cornwall

2011-11-17T08:24:00.000-08:00

DON'T FORGET ...

Mebyon Kernow’s 2011 Conference takes place on the 19th and 20th November at the Shire House Suite in Bodmin. It will mark MK’s sixtieth anniversary as an organisation.

On Saturday 19th November, the Conference will feature leading members of Mebyon Kernow and showcase a range of guest speakers. These speakers will include Kenneth Gibson MSP from the Scottish National Party and Jonathan Edwards MP from Plaid Cymru.

The event is open to both members and non-members and I would like to extend an invitation to one and all.

The doors open at 9.30 on Saturday, with presentations and speeches commencing at 10.30. In the evening, there will be a buffet, bar and entertainment. The cost of tickets for the evening will be £10 per person and can be purchased on the door from 6.00 onwards.

Mebyon Kernow’s formal AGM will take place on the Sunday, when there will also be sessions on campaign strategy and plans for the 2013 elections to Cornwall Council.

We would be delighted to see you there.

Dick Cole

Who will be the next President of Ireland?

2011-10-27T08:43:00.000-07:00

A Mission Statement

http://youtu.be/e8uOj02LI5U

Our goal is to connect with a broad audience of individuals who share the belief that Ireland should be reunified through democratic and peaceful means. By doing so we can create a greater global awareness and with your collective voice, the support of elected representatives at the local and state level bring forward resolutions calling for the Reunification of Ireland.
Together we can achieve “A United Ireland.”

If you agree that Ireland should be united there is no other choice....

Voting in an Irish President

2011-10-25T11:10:00.001-07:00

We have today opened Ballotbox.ie for voting in the 2011 Irish Presidential Election after so many people including those who registered their interest in the General Election earlier this year. We are contacting you as you were one of those who took part in our first poll and we would welcome you to do so again.
Remember that this is as much a petition as a vote as we feel that the only way to show our politicians back home that there is genuine demand is to show it. So please vote early and tell all your Irish friends and colleagues who like myself and yourself are not based in Ireland at the moment.
Get along to http://ballotbox.pointblank.ie/register.php and vote...

News from the Land of Kernow (Cornwall)

2011-10-22T02:42:00.000-07:00

MEBYON KERNOW NEWS

MK Conference It is only four weeks to Mebyon Kernow’s 2011 Conference, which will take place at Bodmin’s Shire House Suite on Saturday 19th and Sunday 20th November. All members are welcome to attend and we hope to see you there. The Saturday will feature leading members of MK and a range of guest speakers including Jonathan Edwards, Plaid Cymru MP for Carmarthen East and Dinefwrm and Kenneth Gibson, SNP member of the Scottish Parliament for Cunninghame North. In the evening there will be a buffet, bar and entertainment, with the cost of tickets set at £10 per person. MK’s formal AGM will be on Sunday, when there will also be a series of debates on party policy and sessions on campaign strategy. For tickets to the concert, contact Stephen Richardson at 39 Chariot Road, Illogan Highway, Redruth or 07711 587905 or via stephen.richardson@mebyonkernow.org. 2 Wendron by-election Mebyon Kernow will be standing in the Cornwall Council by-election for Wendron on Thursday 24th November. Our candidate will be Loveday Jenkin, who stood in this division when it was last contested in 2009. In that election she came second out of 7 candidates and is therefore well placed to win election to Cornwall Council if we all get behind her and campaign long and hard. If you can help with this important election campaign, please call Loveday on 07718 763566 or Dick Cole on 07791 876607. 3. Supporting MK via the internet You can also keep in touch with MK members via a range of blogs, including: Cllr Dick Cole (http://mebyonkernow.blogspot.com/) Cllr Stephen Richardson (http://illoganblogger.blogspot.com)robert/ Simmons (http://robscornishblog.blogspot.com/) Camborne and Redruth Constituency Party (http://camborneandredruthmk.blogspot.com/). The Cornish Republican (http://thecornishrepublican.blogspot.com/) See also the Cornish Zetetics site (http://cornishzetetics.blogspot.com/) Please support the hard work of MK activists and like-minded campaigners by visiting their sites on a regular basis and helping to promote them more widely. Thank you
MK Campaign Team

England - the Last Bastion of Britannia?

2011-10-19T10:20:00.000-07:00

The Perils of Identity Mapping

Posted on October 17, 2011

By Ray Bell

Recently The Guardian decided to tackle what it called “the disunited kingdom”, with a series of articles and an opinion poll. This is probably long overdue, The Guardian is one of the few major UK papers that doesn’t bother with a Scottish edition – even Metro pretends to have one. It seems to have taken an independence referendum, to wake the paper up to the notion of devolution, let alone parties in Scotland and Wales. However, just as The Guardian thought that it had got a grip on the complex identity issues in the UK (and IOM), it’s been blindsided yet again.

It was The Guardian’s recent survey on British identity that the journalists scratching their heads. The paper asked a number of people around the UK if they felt more British or more English/Scottish/Welsh/Irish/Northern Irish. People also had the chance to respond “other”, if they felt none of these particularly applied to them. They produced a map, with coloured dots, to plot these responses. Predictably, Northern Ireland was a hodge podge, and people in Scotland and Wales felt more Scottish and Welsh than British. Responses from each of the countries were noted, and unusual phenomena also got a mention in sidebars.

England was noted as “the last bastion – Britishness remained dominant”, and in London, the strong showing of “other” was because it is “unsurprisingly a melting pot”.

However, the map has a good many surprises. Corby retains a strong Scottish identity, decades after Scots migrated there to work in steel plants. Shetland had a few “other”s, and the Guardian suggested this was because people there “could… view themselves as more Nordic than Scots”. But while the Guardian worked out what was going on in Shetland, it noted that Cornwall had “a strong showing for the others”, without actually broaching the subject of Cornish identity. But it has to be said, if the Guardian can’t keep a handle on what’s going on here or in Wales, what hope has it to understand somewhere like Cornwall?

This isn’t, of course, the first time that Bella Caledonia has stolen a lead on The Grauniad. There are a few examples of that, even if I don’t recall an article on Shetland here. Bella has tackled the Cornish question at least twice [here] and [here]. Apart from the “comment is free” section, which is not written by non-staff writers, The Guardian journalists, continue to largely ignore the Cornish issue. A Cornish blog has made great play of this, saying [Cornish Terrify Guardian] .The Cornish have an ongoing campaign to be recognised as a national minority.*

There are certain other anomalies, which are not noted at all. Should we take these seriously? There appear to be “other”s in Pembrokeshire, people who feel “Scottish” in Berwick upon Tweed, pockets of “Welsh” people in East Anglia and one or two others in the Isle of Man (some of these presumably Manx). Neither the Isle of Man, nor the Channel Islands, are in the UK, although for some reason, the IoM was included but Guernsey and Jersey weren’t.

Buddhism - An Agent of Change

2011-10-16T09:17:00.000-07:00

The Buddha as Activist

Christopher Titmuss

The Buddhist traditions have tended towards a view of separation of the Buddha’s teaching from society. Many have been led to believe that the Buddha declined to engage in any kind of social criticism, as one form of protest. Some Buddhists have the impression that the Buddha only created an order of monks and nuns outside of society without addressing the real issues of concern in society. The Pali texts show something quite different.
The Buddha addressed his talks to the Sangha of spiritual nomads who followed his teachings and equally to householders. He directly addressed a wide range of issues. He voiced his concerns to the major powerful influences in society and gave clear advice on their responsibilities as well as sought change in common beliefs. The Buddha established the world’s first major network for women to live a homeless way of life in the exploration of the spiritual - free from duties as wife, mother and daughter. He also addressed:

rulers, kings and authority figures
practices and privileges of Brahmin priests
religious beliefs, including widespread belief in a personal God
animal sacrifice and protection for all sentient beings
caste system, humanitarian values
responsibilities of rich to share their wealth
yogis and sadhus for engaging in extreme, self punishing practices widespread in India
consumerism – namely the pursuit of pleasure as the primary reason for existence
warned against dependency on charismatic figures, reason, tradition and books.
spoke of the importance of ethics beginning with a commitment not to engage in killing
significance of love and compassion in all directions
application of non-harmful livelihoods and lifestyles.

The Buddha did not reject society but engaged in the transformation of society as well as speaking in depth to the homeless Sangha. His voice struck a strong chord with growing numbers in society who realised that the old system of authoritarian rule and imprisonment in the caste system could change.

Time for a Renewal across Cymru

2011-10-10T10:36:00.000-07:00

Moving Forward: Renewing Plaid for Wales

Welcome to Moving Forward: Renewing Plaid for Wales. This process provides us with a golden opportunity to renew and reenergise our party so that we can make the advances we wish to see in the coming years. Our aim must be to see Plaid become a party which isn’t just competing for second place in Wales, but is in a position to lead our nation.

We’ll be using a wide variety of fora to ensure as many people as possible are able to contribute to the process. Our website, social networks, as well as town hall meetings around the country will all be used over the coming weeks to hear your views.

The Renewing Panel will be headed by Dr Eurfyl ap Gwilym, who will be assisted by Jocelyn Davies AM, Jill Evans MEP, Llyr Huws Gruffydd AM, Elfyn Llwyd MP and Dr Dafydd Trystan. It is planned to complete the work and report back to the National Executive by the end of 2011.

We’d now like to hear your views on all aspects of the party. The process will look at five important areas, and we’ve compiled 5 simple online surveys for you to contribute any comments and ideas. Please click on the links below to take part in the survey or attend one of our public meeting with Eurfyl ap Gwilym:

1. Structure and Staffing

2. Membership and Funding

3. Vision, Strategy and Policy

4. Campaigning and Data collection

5. Communications

Or you can download out the consultation document and send your comments to us by post:

Moving Forward: Renewing Plaid for Wales consultation document [pdf]

Moving Forward Meetings

17/10/2011 Caernarfon - Moving Forward town hall meeting with Eurfyl ap Gwilym Read more...

19/10/2011 Cardiff - Moving Forward town hall meeting with Eurfyl ap Gwilym Read more...

20/10/2011 Rhuthun - Moving Forward town hall meeting with Eurfyl ap Gwilym . Read more...

24/10/2011 Swansea - Moving Forward town hall meeting with Eurfyl ap Gwilym Read more...

25/10/2011 Lampeter - Moving Forward town hall meeting with Eurfyl ap Gwilym Read more...

"Ourselves" no longer "Alone"

2011-10-09T10:19:00.001-07:00

Sinn Féin emerges as second party of choice in Republic

STEPHEN COLLINS, Political Editor

SINN FÉIN is now the second most popular party in the Republic, according to the latest Irish Times /Ipsos MRBI poll.
The survey reveals a substantial increase in support for the party on the back of Martin McGuinness’s presidential election campaign.
Sinn Féin is now narrowly ahead of the Labour Party and Fianna Fáil, with the party attracting almost the same support as Mr McGuinness.
However, Fine Gael retains a commanding lead over all parties, despite the poor showing of presidential candidate Gay Mitchell. And Taoiseach Enda Kenny remains the most popular political leader in the Republic.
When people were asked who they would vote for if a general election were to be held tomorrow, the figures for party support – when undecided voters are excluded – compared with the last Irish Times poll on July 20th were: Fine Gael, 35 per cent (down three points); Labour, 17 per cent (down one point); Fianna Fáil, 16 per cent (down two points); Sinn Féin, 18 per cent (up eight points); Green Party, 2 per cent (no change); and Independents/Others, 12 per cent (down two points).
The survey was undertaken on Monday and Tuesday of this week among a representative sample of 1,000 voters aged 18 and over, in face-to-face interviews at 100 sampling points in all 43 constituencies. The margin of error is plus or minus 3 per cent.
The core vote for the parties (before undecided voters are excluded) compared with the last Irish Times poll was: Fine Gael, 29 per cent (down one point); Labour, 13 per cent (down one point); Fianna Fáil, 13 per cent (down one point); Sinn Féin, 14 per cent (up six points); Green Party, 2 per cent (up one point); Independents/Others, 10 per cent (down one point); and undecided voters, 19 per cent (down three points).
The advance in Sinn Féin support to almost twice that which it achieved in the February general election is the most dramatic change in party support. Sinn Féin is strongest among men and poorer voters and weakest among women and better-off voters.
The contrast between its level of support among the different sexes is startling, with 28 per cent of men backing the party compared with just 11 per cent of women.
The other three big parties have all declined since the last poll.
Fine Gael dropped three points but it is the leading party in the State and has consolidated its position as the leading party in Dublin.
Labour Party support has dipped marginally, despite the good showing of presidential candidate Michael D Higgins. The party continues to do well in Dublin where it is well ahead of Sinn Féin, but it has slipped in the rest of Leinster and Connacht-Ulster.
Fianna Fáil has also declined. The party continues to fare badly in the capital – a long-term worry given it has no TDs in Dublin.
Support for Independents and smaller parties has also slipped.
The Green Party remains on just 2 per cent and leader Eamon Ryan is having difficulty making an impact from outside the Dáil.
In line with the modest drop in support for the Coalition parties, satisfaction with the Government has also declined marginally, as has satisfaction with the Taoiseach.
Mr Kenny is down two points since July, with a 51 per cent satisfaction rating.
Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore is in second place, with a 42 per cent rating. He is also down two points.
Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin has dropped nine points to 28 per cent. This follows the confusion over the party’s presidential election strategy.
The five-point increase in Gerry Adams’s rating to 36 per cent clearly owes a lot to Sinn Féin’s impact on the presidential election campaign. It may also be a response to the party’s aggressive performance in the Dáil.

Uniting Ireland Conference

2011-10-07T01:53:00.001-07:00

Martin McGuinness to speak at Galway Uniting Ireland conference
Presidential candidate Martin McGuinness will be in the west on Friday and will speak at the major conference in Galway on Friday evening October 7th.

The diaspora living in the USA, Canada, Australia and elswhere around the world will be able to watch the conference live as it will be available on the internet.

It will be live from 7.30 pm to 9.45 pm approx Irish time:

Local time PST: 11:30am to 1:45pm

To watch live visit:
http://unitingireland.ie/?page_id=894

or just log into > http://unitingireland.ie/
click button top right to access UI TV

A New Beginning

2011-10-04T01:13:00.001-07:00

McGuinness calls for "decade of reconciliation"

Speaking at the launch of his presidential campaign in Dublin tonight in the Pillar Room of the Rotunda (1st October 2011) Martin McGuinness has called for a "decade of reconciliation". The full text of the speech follows.
It is a pleasure for me to be here tonight amongst so many friends and well wishers. It is a great honour to stand before the Irish people seeking their support to lead this great nation.
I believe in Ireland. I believe in the Irish people.
Traveling around the country in recent years I have become more and more outraged at the greed and corruption which has given rise to the greatest economic crisis we have ever faced. It is a scandal that ordinary people up and down this island are paying for this every day while at the same time trying to keep a roof over their heads and food on their tables.
Who would have thought 150 years after the great land battles in Ireland after Davitt and the Land League that the prospect of eviction is looming again for Irish families.
Who would have thought 100 years on from the Dublin lock out when Connolly and Larkin stood with the people, that workers like those in Talk Talk in Waterford are once again being thrown on the dole queue without so much as a thank you in the Ireland of 2011.
The greed and selfishness that dominated so much of political and business life in Ireland in the Celtic Tiger years is responsible for the financial mess we find ourselves in today.
Those responsible for this state of affairs are not patriots. Patriotism is about country and people. It is not about self aggrandizement.
But greed and selfishness is not the Irish way — local identity, community and sense of place is what defines us as Irish people, knowing and helping your neighbour, being tolerant to those who are different.
As President I will be at the forefront of an Ireland reclaiming its true sense of identity. I want to give the Irish people back their confidence. We have seen the greed of powerful and wealthy groups dent the Irish spirit. We need to see genuine values replace a culture of individualism.
As President I want to see every citizen regain a sense of pride in their Irish identity. I want to highlight the importance of community and inclusion which are the cornerstones of Irish life. Ireland can and should be a place of positivity where creativity and innovation are nurtured.
Too many cynics stand in the way of our country reaching its true potential. I want to see Ireland reclaim the greatness of the tens of millions of Irish people across the world who are the leaders and innovators in the countries in which they now reside. I will be a President for all the Irish people including the Disapora. As a father and grandfather, I refuse to be part of the first generation of Irish people to hand this society on to the next in a worse economic state than it was given to us.
As President I will work tirelessly to fix what has been broken and to inspire everyone who is Irish or who has links to Ireland across the world to work together to make our country great again. If the Irish people vote for me as their President they know what they will get. Throughout 40 years and more of political activism, on the streets of Derry, in Downing Street, in the White House, in the Assembly and on Good Friday I have sought to bring a set of basic principles to my work – commitment – leadership – patriotism – endeavour – selflessness and a deep commitment to Ireland and her people.
As President I will defend and promote Ireland. I will uphold the constitution. I will stand up for sovereignty and freedom. Titles have never been important to me. Political office has never been about perks. The only thing about seeking or reaching high office which motivates me is how that office can be used to make a positive contribution to people’s lives.
That is why I have already said I will only take home the average wage and return the rest to the Irish people. It is high time those at the top shared the pain and showed a bit of empathy with the rest of us.
I reject the notion put forward by some that the President of Ireland is somehow a meaningless or powerless role. This does a grave disservice to the Presidents who have gone before – particularly I have to say both Mary Robinson and Mary McAleese – whose work as President has inspired and motivated so many Irish people both here and abroad. People have asked me in the course of recent weeks why I want to be President — that surely it would have been easier for me to simply continue as Deputy First Minister in the North. And there may well be some truth in that.. But this isn’t about me – I am standing because ordinary people the length and breath of this island have inspired me to run and in turn I want to inspire them as their President.
I want to be a President that stands for working families; for those struggling to pay mortgages; for parents fighting for better support for their children; for those with disabilities; for those lying on hospital trolleys; for elderly people fearful in their own homes at night or making a decision this winter on whether to heat their home; for those talented young Irish people being forced to emigrate to far flung corners of the world.
What Ireland needs now is investment and jobs. As Deputy First Minister, I have, along with Ministerial colleagues brought thousands of new jobs to the north – I want to use my international reputation – my influence and skills to go to the boardrooms of major US corporations and elsewhere and help bring new jobs to these shores.I want to act as an ambassador for all those indigenous firms who have, despite the massive challenges, provided employment and generated wealth.
The period during the next Presidency will see the centenary of many defining moments in our history. It would be my intention as President to use the next ten years from 2012 and the centenary of the formation of the UVF, the Home Rule campaign and the signing of the Ulster Covenant and the anniversary of the 1916 Rising to transform this decade of commemorations into a Decade of Reconciliation.
The Decade of Reconciliation would celebrate the diverse nature of our society, celebrate the peace we now have and commemorate the events of 100 years ago which defined the direction of Ireland up to the present generation. I believe that this is what the signatories of the 1916 Proclamation would have wanted.
We must continue to reunify the people of Ireland through reconciliation and respect. That is what will lead to an Ireland that is truly united. I am very confident in my Irishness. As President I will attend any relevant event to celebrate the different cultural views and political identities that exist in Ireland. There is a need for political maturity and tolerance of the differing views on this island throughout this sensitive period.
Outreach is not something that is confined to the North. There are many sections of Irish society who have felt excluded over many years. As President I want to reach out to them and make the Office of the President and the Aras institutions that they identify with and feel welcome in. This election is about leadership. I am willing to stand up and be counted and this juncture in our nation’s history. I will bring passion, patriotism and pride to the Presidency. I want the Irish people to stand with me.

A People`s President

2011-09-27T02:33:00.001-07:00

antrim
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cavan
carlow
clare
cork
derry
donegal
down
dublin
fermanagh
galway
kerry
kildare
kilkenny
laois
leitrim
louth
limerick
longford
mayo
meath
monaghan
offaly
roscommon
sligo
tipperary
tyrone
waterford
wexford
westmeath
wicklow

McGuinnness vows to be President who is independent of the Government

Speaking today Presidential candidate Martin McGuinness said he would be a president who is independent of Government. McGuinness said it was important the president act in the people’s interest in respect of his or her constitutional duties and not be open to pressure of influence from...
View more

Poverty - a Bar to Independence?

2011-09-21T09:33:00.000-07:00

Are wealthy nations alone entitled to govern themselves or is this argument a complete fallacy?

Too poor to be independent: Same old story

http://newsnetscotland.com/index.php/scottish-opinion/3166-too-poor-to-be-independent-the-same-old-story.html

On the above website

Tuesday, 13 September 2011 16:08

This article appeared in the Welsh Independence Blogspot and is republished here with permission of Cambria magazine. Siôn is author of the book The Phenomenon of Welshness, published by Carreg Gwalch.

Too poor to be independent: Same old story

by Siôn Jobbins

"Wales is too poor to be independent. It’s not economically viable." Funny, were Wales given a penny every time somebody said that, then Wales would certainly be economically viable!

This 'can’t afford independence' is a common refrain by commentators and politicians alike, and is currently used with great gusto as an argument against Scottish independence. But a quick glance through the articles, editorials and letters page of the past makes it clear that Wales and Scotland haven’t been the only European countries 'which can’t afford independence'. It seems to be the standard line every time a small country strives for freedom.

Malta was one example. An editorial in The Times on 7 January 1959 noted gravely:

"Malta cannot live on its own … the island could pay for only one-fifths of her food and essential imports; well over a quarter of the present labour force would be out of work and the economy of the country would collapse with out British Treasury subventions. Talk of full independence for Malta is therefore hopelessly impractical."

The Times published a letter on 21 January 1964 by a Joseph Agius of Ta' Xbiex on Malta stating fearfully of:

"... the folly of giving independence to Malta when we are not economically prepared for it."

Malta gained independence on 21 September 1964. It is essentially a city state on a barren rock; from a British point of view it was a very large dock. In 2009 its GDP at $23,800 per capita was similar to other former imperial port cities like Liverpool, Newcastle or Marseilles.

Norway was another country which 'couldn’t afford independence'. Like Malta prior to independence, it had an amount of self-government, but within Sweden. One of the great bones of contention for Norway was that the consular service and tariffs were biased towards the more agrarian Swedish economy rather than the exporting Norwegian one. Even though the call for greater independence was widely felt across Norway, there were still some who were afraid of it and its consequences.

On 6 July 1892, The Times published a letter by 'RH' entitled, ‘A Warning from Norway’:

"… I may add that, as regards the immediate point of consular representation, the opinion of the commercial class in both kingdoms, as expressed in the chambers of commerce, beginning with the Norwegian capital itself, is decidedly hostile to it … At the same time it seems scarcely possible that the leaders of the movement can clearly realise the fate they are preparing for the country by what may well be termed a suicidal agitation … would not a free national existence but subserviency, not to say bondage to Russia … [Norway] reduced to conditions of a central Asian khanate."

Norway gained independence on 13 May 1905. It didn’t become a 'central Asian khanate'.

In a rare article on Icelandic politics, the Guardian wrote a sentence on 23 March 1908, which I guess has been used for all former colonies:

"It is very interesting to note that in this connection that Denmark has to pay a heavy price for her nominal possession of Iceland in the form of a large annual subvention [that word again!] to the Budget of the island."

To bring us closer to our present time, Slovakia gained independence in the famous 'Velvet Divorce' in 1993 and again the questions of its future were raised. In a generally balanced editorial, the Independent on 31 December 1992 noted:

"… there is no shortage of potential disputes. Currency union is doomed, with the Czechs determined to balance their budget and the Slovaks expected to head down the road of deficit financing and inflation."

The Guardian’s report two days after independence of the two new states on 3 January 1993 highlighted that:

"Many people see the split as a failure and others are nervous about proving themselves in an uncertain world."

What no report on Slovak (or Czech, Norwegian, Icelandic or Maltese) independence seem to suggest or foresee is the economic success which they have been.

In this respect, the general tone of the British mindset varies from a mild independence-scepticism to hostility towards most forms of independence. A scepticism which is at times more irrational and unscientific than that which the 'romantic' nationalists are accused of.

There are presently 192 members of the UN – they can all 'afford independence'. This month there will be another when the UN will accept its latest member, South Sudan. Yes, South Sudan can 'afford independence'. There is also another country which is expected to declare independence this summer. It is the one country which in terms of its fractured geography, fractious politics and crippled economy you would expect to hear an argument that it 'can't afford independence'. That country is Palestine. However, in much the same way that Scotland seems to be uniquely the only oil-producing country in the world which British left wingers think would be poorer with independence, Palestine seems to be the only state which no left winger questions if it could 'afford independence'.

Which leads me to question if there is a deeper reason for the historic reaction which some of our self-appointed 'progressive' friends have against independence for smaller European nations?

In a little quoted article titled 'The Magyar Struggle' in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung on 13 January 1849 the co-founder of Communism, Freidrich Engels wrote of the 'primitive' and 'counter-revolutionary peoples' of Europe. These were nations such as the Basques, Bretons, Scottish Highlanders and Serbians whom he patronised for not having even reached the stage of capitalism. He calls them ‘völkerabfälle’ (racial trash / residual nations). He says:

"... these residual fragments of peoples always become fanatical standard-bearers of counter-revolution and remain so until their complete extirpation or loss of their national character, just as their whole existence in general is itself a protest against a great historical revolution."

Is this the root of the historical world-view among some so-called progressives, of deep hostility towards independence for some European nations ? Is it that these progressives (and economists) see the larger nations, as Engels would say as "the main vehicle of historical development" to the detriment of smaller nations who seem, by definition, to be insular and counter-revolutionary?

But back to July 2010. Of course, South Sudan gaining independence is hardly an economic inspiration for Welsh independence. Not even the South Sudanese wish to celebrate their economic fortune. But then, the comparison for all economic scenarios, pre or post independence, in the short term at least, is the context of the neighbouring countries.

So, let’s discuss independence in another frame? Maybe we should view economic independence in light of it just being another economic transition.

The Welsh economy has been through several major economic transitions; agrarian in the early 19th century, then an industrial revolution, and a managed (or badly managed) process of de-industrialisation.

Independence would be but another economic transition. No Welsh economist or politician would advocate the Welsh economy to be the same in 20 years time as it is now. There will be change whatever happens, so why not a more fundamental economic change with independence as the vehicle?

There are of course those who argue that Wales is 'too poor' and I’ll leave that debate to those more capable than me in the statistical war of attrition but I’ll make a few comments.

The Welsh economy has been in historic decline since 1923 when the price of coal peaked. During that time Wales has been through 3 of the 5 stages of constitutional states. It’s been governed as an integral part of 'the Realm of England' (1536-1959); as a part of England but with some administrative functions - the Welsh Office period (1959-1999); and as a state with some self-government (1999 until the present day).

There are two stages left, generally speaking. The first is self-government with some taxation powers and then independence. Both the first three constitutional settlements have not improved Wales's economic well-being. Why not, from an economic point of view, try the other two?

In the same way that I believe independence is a vehicle to revive a weak language and culture I believe economic independence is the best way to revive a weak economy. It is the journey as well as the destination.

And I’m not the only one who thinks so. As predictable as the articles 'can the Turnip-eaters afford independence?' are the articles post independence by the same papers which point how better off, economically and culturally, the countries are.

One quick example, again from that barren rock in the North Atlantic, Iceland – the little country which had the courage to tell their bankers where to go.

On, 1 December 1938, twenty years and a World War after The Guardian’s dire assessment, the Times wrote a glowing report on Iceland’s twentieth anniversary of independence from Denmark. Subtitled with the decidedly modernist, 'Roads and Radio' the Times notes succinctly:

"Side by side with the political liberation of the country, developed the gradual economic emancipation of the island."

The article continues by outlining the many benefits gained since independence, especially in the fields of modern communications.

So what of Wales? Wales today is guilty of voting for a sort of national Gombeenism form of economic politics. The Gombeen man is the Irish politician who’s only out to get some economic or social gain for his constituency, devoid of a broader political or philosophical outlook. Wales, by belatedly wanting 'fair funding' from Westminster, sulking over 'unfair cuts', 'demanding' electrification of railways, but shirking responsibility over large energy generating projects or taxation policies is only furthering the Gombeen image of itself. It’s humiliating and unnecessary.

In his recent article, 'Small is cute, sexy and successful: Why Independence for Wales and other countries makes Economic Sense' in the Harvard Kennedy Review, Adam Price makes a case for independence for 'small' nations. He compares the economic fortunes of independent Luxembourg and its neighbour, the German province, Saarland since the Second World War. The case is compelling. A similar case could possible be made in relation to Singapore which became independent of Malaysia in 1965 and Zanzibar which lost its independence and joined Tanganyika to form Tanzania in 1964.

But we needn’t look to foreign lands for inspiration or precedent. There’s a successful case of Wales not being 'too poor to be independent' in every parish in our land – the founding of the Church in Wales in 1922.

Like those Wilsonian new East European states, it could hardly have been formed at a worse time! After 800 years, the Welsh church became independent during what the Rev D.T. W. Price in his book; A History of the Church in Wales in the Twentieth Century (1990) calls 'the locust years'. "Nonetheless," as the Rev Price notes, "by 1937 it was generally felt, and rightly so, that the financial condition of the Church in Wales was as sound as it had been before disestablishment."

Independence would force politicians and us voters in Wales to grow up. We would be economically viable because we would have to be – we’d have to learn to swim. Let's look at 'good practice'. After communism, bling-capitalism, imperialism, state socialism, supra-national states or religious statehood, the nation-state and independence is the one political construct which not one state or people has turned its back on. Independence works. It's time Wales made independence work for her.

Towards a United Ireland

2011-09-18T09:02:00.000-07:00

Sinn Fein confirms McGuinness for Irish presidency

By Andrew Bushe | AFP – 1 hour 57 minutes ago

Martin McGuinness, a former commander of the IRA and Northern Ireland's deputy first minister, was officially confirmed on Sunday as his Sinn Fein party's candidate for next month's Irish presidential election.
The socialist republican party's executive, the Ard Chomhairle, unanimously backed a proposal to nominate the 61-year-old, with Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams saying: "He embodies everything that is needed in a political leader."
McGuinness is expected to obtain the required support of 20 Irish lawmakers by the time nominations close on September 28. The election for the presidency, a ceremonial role currently held by Mary McAleese, is on October 27.
McGuinness will struggle to win -- Sinn Fein took just 9.9 percent of the vote in February's general elections in Ireland, and the bookmakers have ranked him third behind candidates from the ruling Fine Gael and Labour parties.
But the decision to field a Sinn Fein candidate for the presidency for the first time ever is a sign of the party's growing presence south of the border.
Despite his four years as the second most senior figure in Northern Ireland's devolved administration in Belfast, McGuinness remains controversial.
He was a leading member of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the paramilitary group responsible for much of the violence during the three decades of sectarian violence that plagued British-ruled Northern Ireland.
However, he was also a key player in the peace process. He was viewed as instrumental in the IRA's decision to hold a ceasefire and then give up its weapons, and was a chief negotiator for the landmark 1998 Good Friday peace deal.
"When I first set out on my political journey in the streets of Derry city over 40 years ago, little did I think I would ever end up here," McGuinness told reporters at a press conference in Dublin.
McGuinness was born in the Northern Ireland town of Londonderry, a stronghold of republicanism, but he also holds a passport for the Republic of Ireland.
"I would see the presidency as being central in the unfinished business of the peace process, namely national reconciliation," between Northern Ireland and the Republic, he said.
The father of four said he had been "humbled" to be contacted by relatives of IRA victims pledging their support, adding: "This election needs to be about a new beginning. I do new beginnings."
He promised that if elected, he would draw only the average salary and donate the rest of his presidential wage to the Irish people.
McGuinness will not resign as Northern Ireland's deputy first minister but will step aside for the presidential campaign, handing over temporarily to Sinn Fein education minister John O'Dowd.
Political reaction to McGuinness's candidacy has been muted, although commentators said it promised to reinvigorate what was looking like a lacklustre race.

Sinn Fein Press Release

2011-09-17T09:56:00.000-07:00

For immediate release: Friday 16th September 2011
Sinn Féin Officer Board nominate Martin McGuinness for office of Uachtarán na hÉireann
SINN FÉIN president Gerry Adams has confirmed reports that the party’s Ard Chomhairle is to meet on Sunday morning to discuss a proposal from the National Officer Board to nominate a candidate to stand in the presidential election.
The Sinn Féin president said: "The officer board will recommend that the candidate will be Martin McGuinness. Sinn Féin believes that the office of Uachtarán na hÉireann has been made more relevant by Mary Robinson and by President Mary McAleese.
"This is a time of great challenge for all the people of Ireland. We need positive but authentic leadership. It will be a great honour for me to propose Martin McGuinness to contest this election on a broad, republican, citizen-centred platform.
"I believe that this election will give Martin the platform to continue the work which he has led in the North and in the peace process and to put it on a national footing.
"I believe he can be the people’s president. If elected he will draw the average industrial wage. He will dedicate himself to a genuine national reconciliation and the unity of our people. He will personify hope in the great genius and integrity of all the people of this island, Catholics, Protestants and Dissenters.
"I would appeal, if Martin contests this election, for people to join in this campaign, including people in the North and across the diaspora who are denied a vote at this time. The campaign will give citizens the opportunity to make a stand for a better Ireland, for a united Ireland." Ends

Campaign for a United Ireland
http://aunitedireland.org/

Martin McGuinness, Irish President?

2011-09-16T10:27:00.000-07:00

Friday, September 16, 2011

Martin McGuinness to run for President

Friday, September 16, 2011 - 05:13 PM

Sinn Féin’s Martin McGuinness is to run for the office of President of Ireland, his party confirmed tonight.

The former IRA leader and current deputy first minister in the North will be formally endorsed by his party leadership over the weekend.

The announcement is already being billed as the republican movement’s most audacious act since IRA prisoner Bobby Sands stood as an MP.

Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams confirmed that the party's Ard Chomhairle is to meet on Sunday morning to discuss a proposal from the National Officer Board to nominate a candidate to stand in the presidential election.

He said: “The officer board will recommend that the candidate will be Martin McGuinness. Sinn Féin believes that the office of Uachtaran na hEireann has been made more relevant by Mary Robinson and by President Mary McAleese.

“This is a time of great challenge for all the people of Ireland. We need positive but authentic leadership.

“It will be a great honour for me to propose Martin McGuinness to contest this election on a broad, republican, citizen-centred platform.”

Mr Adams said: "I believe that this election will give Martin the platform to continue the work which he has led in the North and in the peace process and to put it on a national footing. I believe he can be the people’s president. If elected he will draw the average industrial wage.

“He will dedicate himself to a genuine national reconciliation and the unity of our people. He will personify hope in the great genius and integrity of all the people of this island – Catholics, Protestants and dissenters.”

The Sinn Féin leader went on: “I would appeal, if Martin contests this election, for people to join in this campaign, including people in the North and across the diaspora who are denied a vote at this time.

“The campaign will give citizens the opportunity to make a stand for a better Ireland, for a united Ireland.”

Martin McGuinness: From IRA commander to peace-process champion

Martin McGuinness has just completed a top level trade mission in the United States which included talks with Hollywood movie moguls.

But even they would baulk at the storyline the one-time IRA commander now hopes to write for himself by his bid to be elected President of Ireland.

The shock move, however, is just the latest twist in the life of a man who was branded the IRA’s mastermind, but who became a champion of the peace process, and defied all the odds by forming a government – and even a friendship - with his most bitter enemy Ian Paisley.

The republican leader emerged from Derry 40 years ago as a fresh-faced 21-year-old – the IRA’s boy soldier who ran the city’s Bogside.

He was a feared street fighter who for years lived on the run, mostly across the border in Co Donegal. Security chiefs at the time considered him a ruthless terrorist who was at the centre of the IRA’s campaign.

But all that changed once the IRA called a halt to the bombing and shooting, first in 1994 and then three years later when the leadership announced a permanent ceasefire.

Martin McGuinness had been seen as the face of the IRA and the wider republican movement, alongside Gerry Adams.

But as politics replaced conflict, a new McGuinness began to emerge. Former enemies recounted tales of meeting a figure they found to be affable, who loved sport, enjoyed fly-fishing and even wrote poetry.

He was nevertheless seen as Sinn Féin’s toughest negotiator and took the lead role in talks.

Over the last 20 years of Ireland’s slowly developing peace process, the 61-year-old has brushed shoulders with successive US presidents and British prime ministers. But at home, he retains the ability to inspire both loyalty and enmity.

Last week Sinn Féin held its annual conference in Belfast for the first time. One of the highlights of the Ard Fheis was a speech by Presbyterian Minister David Latimer, the first Northern Ireland Protestant clergyman to address the republican gathering.

He has struck up a personal friendship with Mr McGuinness and embraced the senior republican at the event, before hailing him as one of the “true great leaders of modern times”. The fulsome praise brought bitter criticism from a number of unionist politicians.

On news of Mr McGuinness’s plan to run for the presidency, the clergyman said: “My first reaction is that this is a loss for Northern Ireland, because he has been involved in the process of turning our community 180 degrees and starting that new journey, if you like, that has taken us towards peace and a better future.

“I have watched Martin McGuinness change, so impressively change, that it would persuade me that he has a life beyond what he is currently engaged in, because he has, I think, changed in ways that prepare him for leadership at the highest level.”

Rev Latimer added: “In running for the President of Ireland, he would have my full support. At a difficult time economically, as well as socially and culturally, I would see him as a man who could send out ripples of hope.”

In recent years, as Mr McGuinness rose in prominence through his role in the North's powersharing government, there have been signs that a growing number of unionists are prepared to accept his bona fides, despite bitter opposition in some quarters.

A 2009 newspaper poll that sampled opinion across the religious divide voted the Derry republican the most respected politician at Stormont, where he shares the lead role with Democratic Unionist leader Peter Robinson.

Alan McBride, who lobbies for the victims of the Troubles, and whose wife and father-in-law were murdered in the IRA’s Shankill Road bombing in Belfast in 1993, said he had met Martin McGuinness several times.

“I know that when these things come up they can be hurtful for victims,” he said. “But he is someone who has played a key role here in the peace process. I would have no problem with him becoming president – though some of my relatives and friends would feel differently.

“I think he would do very well as president. I think he would be a good ambassador for Ireland.”

He added: “He shares a joint office with Peter Robinson and so is Northern Ireland’s joint First Citizen. What’s good for the north should be good for the south as well.”

Born in 1950, Mr McGuinness is married to wife Bernie, and the couple have four children.

They still live in his native Derry and he leaves his family home at dawn each day to travel to Stormont, often not returning home until midnight. His commitment – and that of Mr Robinson – is recognised as having bolstered the power-sharing experiment and cemented opposition to violence.

When dissident republicans opposed to the peace process murdered two soldiers in Co Antrim and a police officer in Co Armagh in 2009, Mr McGuinness rounded on the killers.

He branded them as “traitors to the people of Ireland” – a rebuke that was later said to have seen dissident republicans issue threats to kill the Sinn Féin figure.

Allied to such episodes was the daily task of forming new relationships with former enemies at Stormont.

When the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin agreed to enter government in 2007, critics said it would never last.

Mr McGuinness and the then DUP leader Ian Paisley stunned observers by forging a strong political relationship, which blossomed into a friendship. The sight of them laughing together in public saw them dubbed "the chuckle brothers".

When the DUP figurehead handed power to his tough deputy Peter Robinson, it was thought the new leader would seek to cool relations with Sinn Féin. But when Mr Robinson’s private life hit the headlines after his wife admitted an affair with a teenager, Mr McGuinness offered his support to the embattled unionist. The pair shook hands for the first time and a new DUP/Sinn Féin partnership was sealed.

Martin McGuinness has been frank about his republican past – though opponents have said he has yet to tell the full story.

During the Saville inquiry into the British army killings on Bloody Sunday in Derry in 1972, Mr McGuinness confirmed his leadership role in the IRA at the time. Since then he has repeatedly declared “the war is over”.

Now, the man who was held in Portlaoise Prison on a sentence of IRA membership in the 1970s is preparing to challenge for the state’s highest political office.

Blog Awards

2011-08-14T11:36:00.000-07:00

Total Politics Blog Awards

On-line voting has opened for the Total Politics Blog Awards. This is an opportunity for individuals to vote for their favourite political blogs. So why not vote for your favourite MK, Cornish political, Plaid Cymru, SNP blogs.

Voting closes at midnight on Friday 19 August. Any votes submitted after that will not be counted. The link is as follows:

http://www.totalpolitics.com/blog/176562/total-politics-blog-awards-2011-vote-now.thtml

Votes must be ranked from 1 to 10. The higher you rank a blog or author, the higher up they will appear in the aggregated results. You must enter a minimum of five names for your vote to count. If you don't want to enter more than five, just write 'blank' in the remaining boxes. Every box must have some text in for the vote to be submitted successfully.

Only submit your vote once. If you vote more than once, it won’t be counted.

On-line petitions
The government has relaunched an e-petitions website. There are already two petitions on the site that are of interest to Cornwall and the Cornish. These are the establishment of a Cornish Assembly (http://epetitions.direct.gov.uk/petitions/3145) and the recognition of the Cornish as a National Minority (http://epetitions.direct.gov.uk/petitions/2835).

Please take the time to support the petitions and to promote them among your friends and colleagues.

Thank you.

The MK Campaign Team.

alanindyfed - "Independence Cymru"

Save Cornwall - Sign a Petition

2011-08-14T06:30:00.001-07:00

Recognition of Cornwall

as a National Minority

Responsible department: Department for Communities and Local Government

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/libertycentral/2009/sep/08/cornwall-national-minority-race This article in the Guardian newspaper outlines the current position of the Government in respect to the minority status of Cornwall. There has been a policy for hundreds of years, of "sweeping under the carpet" the Cornish Issue. This petition calls for signatures to raise the issue of the "Cornish Identity" in Parliament and aims to have Cornwall recognised as a National Minority..

Sign this petition

Number of signatures:: 121
Created by:: martin noye
Closing:: 09/08/2012
Share:

The Escalating Cost of Flying

2011-08-07T23:52:00.001-07:00

Did you know the UK has the highest flight tax in the world...and is planning to increase it in time for next year's summer holiday? We already pay 8.5 times the EU average, so please user our online tool to petition your MP to persuade the Chancellor to keep his "Hands off our holiday" and cancel next year's planned flight tax increase.

Do it all automatically if you go to www.handsoffourholiday.com and click on "Petition your MP".

Coming Events in Wales

2011-08-05T08:46:00.001-07:00

Dafydd Iwan gig!

Where: Clwb Ifor Bach, Caerdydd

When: Saturday 13th August, 5.00pm – 8.00pm

Whether you’ll be watching the Wales v England game live at the Millennium Stadium, on a large screen in your local pub, or at home, come along afterwards to celebrate (or commiserate) at the Dafydd Iwan fundraising gig, organised by Plaid Cymru!

Tickets £10. If you would to purchase a ticket, click here

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Plaid Cymru Annual Conference 2011

Where: Venue Cymru, Llandudno

When: 8th - 10th of September 2011

We have great pleasure in announcing details of the Plaid Cymru Annual Conference 2011. This year we shall be returning to Venue Cymru in Llandudno, one of the best conference centres in Wales which will provide an excellent background for policy development, brand strengthening and all manner of conference opportunities.

The 2011 Annual Conference 2011 will again extend over two full days in the Conference Hall on Friday September 9^th and Saturday 10^th, with half a day on Thursday 8^th dedicated to sessions and seminars from 2.00pm

Thursday will include a full plenary session to discuss and vote on motions and also hustings for internal elections. Dr. Eurfyl ap Gwilym will be conducting a session for members on the next steps for Plaid Cymru,the Councillors Association will be gearing us up for the Local Elections next year and the Gwynfor Evans Memorial Lecutre will also take place on the Thursday afternoon.

As usual, delegates can enjoy a number of display stands and fringe meetings – all completely free! More information concerning these will be available in the Conference Handbook and the Fringe handbook nearer the time.

Social events

The full social programme will commence on Thursday with a local event organised by Cymru X. On Friday evening the Conference Dinner will be held, with 3 courses, a guest speaker and much more! Conference will close on Saturday with one of the regular favourites - the Revue!

If you would like more information about Conference or the social events, please contact the Conference Organiser, Vici Jones on email vicijones@plaidcymru.org or at 02920 475921.

We look forward to seeing you in September!

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500 Club

Why Join?

· The 500 Club was set up to raise funds for Plaid Cymru’s National Assembly and Parliamentary campaigns.

· Over half of the money raised is returned to club members as prizes.

· Each member is allocated a club number, which is entered in a monthly prize draw.

· You can join by completing and returning the £5 a month banker’s order form below.

· And remember…The more members there are, the larger the prizes. Once there are 500 members, the annual prizes will total £ 15,500 !

If you would like to join the 500 club, download a membership form today by clicking here.

Small is Beautiful!

2011-08-02T12:04:00.000-07:00

Europe

The complete guide to small

European countries

There are six tiny countries in Europe that are big on attitude, culture and style. And even though they're small, some have stood up to the greatest tyrants in history. William Cook goes on a tour to prove that less really is more

It's all relative, of course. Compared with Russia, the largest country in the world, everywhere else in Europe is tiny. Belgium and the Netherlands are both dwarfed by their expansive neighbours, France and Germany. Even the United Kingdom is less than half the size of Spain. Still, you've got to draw the line somewhere, and so for the purposes of this guide anything smaller than 1,000 square miles is small enough, and anything bigger is, er, too big. That leaves half a dozen fun-sized nations. They range from the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (just sneaking under the wire at 998 square miles) to Vatican City, also known as the Holy See – at 0.2 square miles, the world's smallest independent state.

The complete guide to small European countries HOW BIG IS SMALL, EXACTLY?
It's all relative, of course. Compared with Russia, the largest country in the world, everywhere else in Europe is tiny. Belgium and the Netherlands are both dwarfed by their expansive neighbours, France and Germany. Even the United Kingdom is less than half the size of Spain. Still, you've got to draw the line somewhere, and so for the purposes of this guide anything smaller than 1,000 square miles is small enough, and anything bigger is, er, too big. That leaves half a dozen fun-sized nations. They range from the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (just sneaking under the wire at 998 square miles) to Vatican City, also known as the Holy See – at 0.2 square miles, the world's smallest independent state.
AND THE REST?
The other four, in descending order of size, are Andorra (180 square miles), Liechtenstein (62 square miles), the Most Serene Republic of San Marino (24 square miles) and Monaco (1 square mile, about the same size as Hyde Park).
Yet though they are small, most of these tiny countries are much older than many of the big brothers that surround them. They're closer to the way Europe used to look, and who's to say they aren't closer to the way Europe will look in future? After all, the continental map is already far more fragmented than it was even 15 years ago.
WHAT ABOUT GIBRALTAR?
This fragment of the Iberian peninsula is a UK Crown Colony, not an independent nation.
WHAT'S THE BIG ATTRACTION OF THESE SMALL COUNTRIES?
Tonight, English eyes will be on a corner of a foreign field: Liechtenstein's Rheinpark Stadium, in its state capital, Vaduz, is the venue for an important European Championship qualifier this evening. At 5.30pm, British time, Liechtenstein takes on England. The Rheinpark's capacity is only 3,500, but England fans shouldn't scoff. With a population of less than 33,000, this pretty little principality is doing pretty well to give us a game at all. And secondly, a decade ago, soccer minnows San Marino – an even more concise nation with an even smaller population – gave England a nasty fright when they scored within 10 seconds of kick-off. England responded to this slight by scoring seven goals, but England boss Graham Taylor still resigned less than a week later. Moral: underestimate Europe's smallest countries at your peril.
BUT THE ENGLAND GAME IS SOLD OUT
Don't fret. There's lots of other stuff to do in Liechtenstein. Well, enough for a few days. The principality's monarch, his Serene Highness Prince Hans Adam II, has an incredible art collection – second only to that of our own Gracious Queen (bizarrely, England and Liechtenstein share the same national anthem – see box below). Liechtenstein marked the millennium by opening a new art gallery, where Hans Adam's Rubens, Rembrandts and Van Dycks rub shoulders with more modern works (00 423 235 0300; www.kunstmuseum.li).
Philatelists should find lots to look at in the stamp museum (00 423 236 61 05; www.news.li/briefmarken). If you're there just before Easter look out for Spark Sunday, when straw witches are burnt on huge bonfires – a pagan ritual to chase away the winter.
The prince's hilltop Schloss is out of bounds. Nevertheless, it's such a beautiful spot that it's still worth hiking up the hill for a closer view.
IS SMALL BEAUTIFUL?
Yes. Monaco (020-7352 9962; (www.monaco-tourisme.com) boasts one of the world's chicest beaches – an exclusive slice of the Côte d'Azur between Nice and the Italian border. Luxembourg (020-7434 2800; www.luxembourg.co.uk) straddles the dramatic Ardennes mountains and the Moselle Valley, famous for its light, fruity wines. Andorra (020-8874 4806; www.turisme.ad) has some of the finest skiing and hiking in the Pyrenees, plus a wealth of duty-free shopping. Winter sports and summer walks are also popular in Liechtenstein, especially in the Alpine resort of Malbun. Contact Liechtenstein Tourism (00 423 239 6300; www.tourismus.li).
WHAT ABOUT HISTORY AND CULTURE?
Vatican City is the historic centre of Western Civilization. You need not be a confirmed Catholic to be drawn to the Holy See. Art lovers and historians will find almost as much to venerate. The Vatican Museums are a treasure trove of ancient Roman, Greek, Egyptian and Syrian relics, plus Renaissance painting, sculpture and tapestries. The architecture is spectacular, too: St Peter's Basilica, the Raphael Stanze and, of course, the Sistine Chapel, complete with Michelangelo's immortal ceiling, plus important works by Botticelli. Call Vatican tourist information (00 39 06 6988 1662) or visit www.vatican.va.
If you're visiting the Holy See for religious reasons, you may even be able to obtain an audience with the Pope. Don't expect a one to one, but applying is a lot easier than you might suppose. Audiences tend to be held once a week, on Wednesdays, at 11am. Apply not less than two days and no more than one month in advance. Send a fax to the Prefettura della Casa Pontificia (00 39 06 6988 5863), stating your name, home address, Rome address and ideal date.
I'D RATHER GO FOR A SPIN
Head for Monaco – home of the Monte Carlo casino and the Monaco Grand Prix. This year's competition runs from Thursday 29 May to Sunday 1 June. For more information, contact the Automobile Club de Monaco (00 377 93 15 26 00; www.acm.mc). There's also an annual motor rally in January. But if your idea of fun is a bit more highbrow than listening to the roar of the combustion engine or the click and clatter of the roulette wheel, this millionaire's oasis also supports its own ballet, orchestra and opera house, plus several theatres. Not bad going for the world's second-smallest nation – but then it's a long time since this Lilliputian paradise last ran short of cash.
Prince Rainier of Monaco is more open than his counterpart in Liechtenstein; the ruler of Monaco opens his palace to the public. You can watch the changing of the guard for free at 11.55am each day. The Grimaldi family have ruled Monaco since 1297, and the country has been independent since 1415. It even survived an economic blockade by the French president Charles de Gaulle in 1963.
You can watch some first-class football while you're here as well, at the Louis II Stadium in Fontvieille. Despite being outside France, AS Monaco play in the French League, which they've won seven times – and right now, they're top of the First Division. Call 00 377 9205 7473 or visit www.asm-foot.mc.
I'M HUNGRY
For fine food and drink, go to Luxembourg, where the delicate finesse of French cuisine and Germany's hearty fare collide. The European Union's smallest state has more Michelin-starred restaurants per square mile, and per head of population, than any other country in the world. They also drink more heavily.
The Luxembourgeois deserve a bit of a break: the world's only Grand Duchy has experienced far too much excitement during the last 1,000 years. Ruled by Hapsburgs, Burgundians, Prussia, Spain, Holland, Belgium and France (which annexed this wooded land as a Department of Forests), Luxembourg finally won its independence in 1815, only to be occupied by the Germans in both World Wars.
If you're a Second World War buff, make tracks for the National Museum of Military History at Diekirch (00 352 808908/804 719; www.nat-military-museum.lu) which records Luxembourg's dramatic role as one of the Second World War's key battlegrounds in the Battle of the Bulge.
No wonder its native Lëtzebuergesch motto is "mir wëlle bleiwe wat mir sin" (we want to remain what we are).
SMALL COUNTRIES LIKE TO AVOID CONFLICT, THEN?
Not all of them, as Liechtenstein's heroic lone stand against the USSR, in 1945, testifies. The principality's previous military adventure was in 1866, when it sent 80 troops (Liechtenstein's entire army) to guard the Tyrolean border, during the Austro-Prussian war. They saw no action, and returned home after a week, with 81 men, having found a new recruit en route. However, at the end of the Second World War, the principality defied Stalin, when 500 Russians who'd been fighting for the Wehrmacht against the Red Army sought asylum in neutral Liechtenstein. The Allies handed over 2.5 million such soldiers, but unlike the US and the UK, little Liechtenstein resisted Soviet attempts to secure their extradition.
The Nazis, by the way, left this place alone after Liechtenstein's previous monarch, Prince Franz Joseph II, went to see Hitler in Berlin. The Führer, recollected Franz Joseph, was visibly ill at ease. Liechtenstein may not lead the way in women's rights (it was the last European country to give women the vote, in 1984) but it led the world in showing small nations how to stand up to big tyrants.
Or how about plucky San Marino, a safe haven since the Renaissance, and a refuge for Garibaldi? With a population of less than 15,000, it sheltered more than 100,000 refugees, including Jews, from the Nazis during the Second World War. In 1944 this place of sanctuary was unwittingly bombed by the Allies – killing 63 people, as well as destroying priceless ancient documents in the state library.
TELL ME MORE ABOUT SAN MARINO
Founded in AD301 as an enclave in central Italy, San Marino is the world's oldest republic. It has only been occupied twice, and then for only a few months each time – by Caesar Borgia in 1503 and Cardinal Guilio Alberoni in 1739. The brave but canny Sanmarinese even managed to stay on the right side of Napoleon, who said, "We must preserve San Marino as an example of Liberty". The republic proved his point when it turned down Bonaparte's offer to extend its borders, knowing that such territorial avarice might jeopardise its future independence.
The republic makes a great day-trip from Rimini; call the San Marino State Tourist Office on 00 378 882 400 or visit www.sanmarinosite.com for more information.
HOW ABOUT ANDORRA?
Like San Marino, Andorra also succeeded in winning over the Little Corporal, as Napoleon was known. Founded in AD784 by Emperor Charlemagne, Andorra kept both its French and Spanish neighbours happy by paying taxes to Spain in years that ended in even numbers, and tax to France in years that ended odd.
After the French Revolution, France ripped up the rulebook. What did the Andorrans do? Did they rise up and revolt? No, they sat down and wrote Napoleon a letter. The man who'd crushed Europe's mightiest armies could not resist this simple courtesy. Andorra's original tax regime was restored in 1806. "It is too extraordinary to be invaded," declared Bonaparte. "Let it stand here forever as a museum piece." (In accordance with its museum status, Andorra didn't introduce female suffrage until 1974, a decade ahead of Liechtenstein). Extraordinarily, Andorra has never been invaded. It's never had a war. It's never even had an army – and it probably never will. After all, today's visitors are all far too busy skiing or shopping to even think about causing trouble.
CAN I FLY DIRECT TO THESE SMALL COUNTRIES?
Only to Luxembourg, the only one of the six with its own airport. Luxair (01293 596 633; www.luxair.lu) flies non-stop from London Heathrow, with fares from £102.20 return, and also from Manchester, Stansted and London City. British Airways (0845 77 333 77, www.ba.com) flies from Gatwick.
To reach Andorra, the French option is a flight to Toulouse (from Gatwick, Birmingham and Manchester on BA). From Blagnac airport you can catch the bus to Toulouse station. Catch a train to L'Hospitalet-pres-l'Andorre (about two hours). From there, it's about another two hours by bus to Andorra la Vella. For train information, call SNCF on 00 33 892 35 35 39 or visit www.sncf.fr. Alternatively, fly to Barcelona on one of a range of airlines, or to Gerona on GB Airways (booked through BA) or Ryanair (0871 246 0000; www.ryanair.com). You can rent a car and drive to Andorra in a few hours.
For Liechtenstein, fly to Zürich on one of a range of airlines, then take the train to Buchs (just over two hours) and the bus to Vaduz (about 15 minutes). Swiss (0845 601 0956; www.swiss.com) flies direct from London Heathrow to Zurich from £113.80 return, including taxes. For train information, call 00 41 900 300 300 or visit www.sbb.ch. Ryanair provides the alternative, with cheap flights to Friedrichshafen in southern Germany, which has connecting rail links from the airport via Bregenz to Feldkirch or Buchs, where you catch the bus.
Monaco is eight minutes from Nice airport by helicopter. Reaching Nice is the easy and cheap part, with flights from a range of UK airports. If the €100 (£67) helicopter fare is too high, you can catch a bus to the main station and take a half-hour train ride to Monaco for about a tenth of that.
For San Marino, fly to Bologna from Heathrow on Alitalia (0870 544 8259; www.alitalia.it) or from Stansted on easyJet (0870 600 0000; www.easyJet.com); or from Stansted to Forli or Ancona on Ryanair (0871 246 0000; www.ryanair.com), then take the train to Rimini, and a bus to San Marino. For train information call Trenitalia on 020-8903 0999 or visit www.fs-on-line.com.
Reaching Vatican City is easy. You simply fly to Rome and take the bus or train into the centre of the Italian capital. The Vatican is on the west bank of the Tiber.
WHAT ELSE SHOULD I READ BEFORE I GO?
Rough Guide and Lonely Planet provide good introductions to most of the destinations above. There's a charming chapter on Liechtenstein in Bill Bryson's Neither Here Nor There (Black Swan, £7.99). Vitali Vitaliev's amusing travelogue Little Is The Light (Pocket Books, £6.99 via Amazon) visits all of the small countries above, apart from Vatican City, which Bryson describes in a brief but moving passage in the Rome chapter of Neither Here Nor There.
Gone and nearly forgotten
A few of the many small countries that have long since disappeared
Germany was a patchwork quilt of tiny countries until Bismarck unified it as one country in 1871. Does anyone outside Deutschland still remember Nassau or Oldenburg? Hessen, Saxony and Mecklenburg have all survived (to an extent) as Lander (states) in today's Federal Republic, but Brunswick, Waldeck and Lippe are now mere cities within larger provinces rather than autonomous countries.
The Free City of Danzig, administered by the League of Nations from 1919 to 1939, ignited the Second World War when its Nazi leader announced its (re)union with Germany. After the war its German inhabitants were expelled and it became the Polish city of Gdansk. This Baltic Belfast has since become famous as the venue where Lech Walesa's Solidarity movement began, and also as the birthplace of Germany's greatest writer since the war, Günter Grass.
Closer to home, the French port of Calais was an English enclave on the European mainland for more than 200 years. Captured by Edward III during the Hundred Years War in 1347, it was finally recaptured by the French in 1558, during Queen Mary's reign. "Bloody" Mary took it rather badly at the time. "When I am dead and opened," she said, "you shall find 'Calais' lying in my heart."
A familiar tune in an unfamiliar place
Why do Britain and Liechtenstein share a national anthem?
Thankfully, there's not the slightest chance that England "fans" will boo Liechtenstein's national anthem this evening. Why not? Because it's sung to exactly the same tune as "God Save The Queen", though with different words, of course.
Liechtenstein's lyrics were composed by a German clergyman called Jakob Josef Jauch, in 1850 – although they weren't actually adopted as its national anthem until 1951.
Jauch's ode originally ran to five verses, but it was trimmed in 1963, and the first line tweaked from "On the banks of the German Rhine" to "On the banks of the young Rhine" (Liechtenstein is actually the last survivor of the 343 statelets that made up the Holy Roman Empire of German Nations).
The English lyrics are traditional, but were certainly sung at London's Drury Lane Theatre in 1745 (to a different tune, by Thomas Arne, who also wrote "Rule, Britannia!") during Bonnie Prince Charlie's rebellion – hence the neglected last verse: "May he sedition hush/And like a torrent rush/Rebellious Scots to crush." No wonder it hasn't always been quite so popular north of the Tweed. Yet neither Britain nor Liechtenstein can claim a monopoly on the music. Often credited, along with the English lyrics, to a patriotic fellow called Henry Carey, it was probably originally just a folk tune that has been used in various forms ever since the early 17th century. One such version was even written by a composer called, appropriately, John Bull. However, the bad news for British Bulldogs is that their favourite melody may actually be by a Frenchman, the great composer Jean-Baptiste Lully. Apparently, Monsieur Lully wrote it in 1686, for Louis XIV, based on a hymn that was sung to greet the French king. It's enough to make Nelson and Wellington turn in their respective graves.
But, for anyone who would like to sing along to both anthems, here is the Liechtenstein anthem's first verse, in English. You already know the tune:
High over the young Rhine
Lies resting Liechtenstein
On Alpine heights.
This belov'd homeland,
Our dear fatherland
Chosen by God's wise hand
Chosen for us.

Brittany
"Bro Goz ma Zadoù" (Old Land of My Fathers)

Words by: Taldir Jaffrenou
Music by: adapted from James James
Adopted: 1903

Brittany, a region of France, has a culture and language all its own (the language is more Celtic than French). Like other Celtic regions of the area, such as Cornwall, the anthem melody used is taken from the Welsh anthem, composed by James James (with some minor note changes). The lyrics were written in 1897 and the adaptation of the Welsh anthem was first published the following year, with the appropriate title "Henvelidigez" ("Adaptation"). It was adopted as the Breton national anthem (and a song of Welsh-Breton friendship) in 1903 at a meeting of the Union Régionaliste Bretonne, a Breton cultural and political organization.

The Danger and Fallacy of Belief

2011-07-23T11:34:00.000-07:00

Belief Kills!

Belief is the cause of all separation and conflict.
Events in Norway again highlight this little-known truth. Misguided individuals exhibiting extreme and fundamentalist beliefs have wreaked havoc on history. Belief feeds the ego, twists the mind, perpetrates violence and conflict and brings about death and destruction. Belief is anti-social and immoral and at variance with natural law and human destiny. Belief sets up its opposites, instigating endless conflict and despair. Truth is very different from belief. Where there is belief there can be no truth and no love. Belief is the cause of most of the problems which beset the world. It undermines religion and maims the spirit, manipulates the mind and falsifies reality. In the guise of Christian or Muslim fundamentalism or in the form of political extremism and totalitarianism it can evoke terror and destruction and even bring about the downfall of civilisations. Belief is evil.

Shun belief......open the mind and see the danger and the utter fallacy of belief.

San Francisco Mayoral Candidates Support Reunification of Ireland

2011-07-17T02:28:00.000-07:00

Any Colour But Brown

2011-07-16T23:14:00.000-07:00

When Gordon Brown speaks, the world stops to groan

By Alex Stevenson | Talking Politics – Thu, Jul 14, 2011

Getty Images

Even on the day parliament completed its expenses rehabilitation, Gordon Brown managed to whip up a maelstrom of partisan hatred.
Brown may not have intended it this way, but his politics has always been one based on bitter resentment. When he was chancellor, wielding the purse-strings over the government for a decade, he was eaten up by jealousy of Tony Blair's premiership. His capacity for bearing a grudge and wreaking terrible revenge could not, after this period, be seriously in doubt. When he finally did make it to No 10, he was eaten up by his inability to win over Rupert Murdoch. He paid the price at the 2010 general election. But there was nothing he could do about it.
This is all by way of setting the scene for his speech to the Commons yesterday, in which he took the opportunity of finally getting his revenge on the Murdoch empire. As you'd expect with Gordon Brown, his sucker punch was a lurching swipe far less effective than he might have hoped.
Brown is not like other former prime ministers. Margaret Thatcher is adored by a close circle of acolytes, but these days keeps herself to herself. John Major enjoys the cricket and rarely ruffles parliamentary life. Tony Blair, who has an irrepressible busybody instinct, keeps himself busy in foreign climes. They know their place - in the corner, with the other elder statesmen.
Not Brown. He took his seat on the opposition backbenches, chuckling with neighbour Thomas Docherty and waiting for his moment. This was only the second time he has addressed the House this parliament. As if making up for lost time, he spoke for a full half-hour, hijacking the debate on whether Murdoch's BSkyB bid was in the public interest.
Its primary target was News International and the broader press, to be sure. But first MPs were treated to a lengthy exposition of his government's arms-length dealings with Murdoch. He was obviously bitter about his portrayal as "the betrayer of Britain", as he put it. He spoke of "sewer" journalism and their alleged links with the "criminal underworld". It would have been much more powerful had he not exposed himself to humour.
"The front-page portrayal of me as 'Dr Evil' the day after the generally accepted success of the G20..." He got no further. The Tory benches howled with laughter at the thought of Mr Brown placing his little finger to his lips. Brown, as he had done a thousand times before from the despatch box, looked a little miffed, but ploughed on.
Brown's attempt to rewrite history was almost Churchillian in its audacity. It was as if the years - well, year - had fallen away. His PMQs contributions had always been a combination of self-justification and loathing of the Tories. They loathed him back, just as they had done before the general election. Had the 2010 poll, the formation of the coalition government, the preposterous notion that Nick Clegg could become deputy prime minister, all been nothing but a dream?
Graham Stuart, one of your more archetypal Tory backbenchers, was the most prominent of those who sought to knock Brown off his perch by perpetually asking Brown to give way. Everyday Commons etiquette requires that backbench MPs take interventions from their colleagues, whether political opponents or allies. Brown obviously took the view this requirement does not apply to former prime ministers. Ignoring the storm of outrage from the thwarted Conservatives, he ploughed doggedly on. Twas ever thus.
Yesterday is already being hailed as the day when parliament completed its expenses rehabilitation. As an institution whose reputation has been battered beyond belief by the culture which grew up around MPs' allowances, it needed a victory like yesterday to reassert itself. For once, politicians united together to defeat an unaccountable power hitherto beyond their reach. It was a special day, a historic one.
All the more odd, then, that this was the day when the clunking fist returned to rile up the Tories once again.

Talking Point

Scott Talkington
Am I imagining things, or is Welsh nationalism making a bit of a comeback?

13 hours ago · · ·

Tony Willicombe and Rivkah Wood like this.
- Tony Willicombe It is indeed. Let's hope Plaid take it on board.
  13 hours ago · · 1 person
- Scott Talkington Watched Torchwood: Miracle Day yesterday and at one point this CIA person says to the Gwen character: "If you're the best England has to offer..." to which Gwen responded: "I'm Welsh!" and kicked her. Pretty funny.
  13 hours ago · · 2 people
- Rebecca Blaevoet
  HI Scott,
  Welsh Nationalism is big in some circles and irrelevant in others. It
  really depends where you are. I think it's changing from what it looked
  like in the "peintio'r byd yn wyrdd" days but hopefully no less vibrant.
  It's a different wo...See More
  
  11 hours ago via ·
- Euros Ap Hywel Personally I don't think it is
  10 hours ago ·
- Edwyn Parry With most counties in Wales wanting more powers for the Assembly I think it is.
  7 hours ago ·
- Scott Talkington I guess I wasn't talking so much about serious political nationalism as a kind of increased identification. Perhaps I'm just noticing it, but mainstream authors like Ralph Peter's "Owen Parry" series about a Welsh detective in the American Civil War, and the fantasy author Shephen Lawhead's retelling of the Robin Hood legend as a Welsh hero in the *King Raven* series.
  6 hours ago ·
- Chris Castle Seperatist Nationalism (note the capital letters) is still largely irrelevant. But nationalism culturally is definately growing. There is a growing sense of pride and independence, and more of a consciousnous that being Welsh is more than just watching the rugby. The Language and the Assembly carry on gaining influence. The country is growing up in many ways.

Here today, Gone tomorrow

2011-06-27T11:12:00.000-07:00

"INDEPENDENCE CYMRU" is once again on the move, and will blog henceforth from warmer climes.

WATCH THIS SPACE.....

Hidden treasures await.......surf the Archives!

Coronation Remembrance Ceremony

2011-06-26T11:54:00.000-07:00

Gŵyl Coroni Glyndŵr Machynlleth 2011

The 18th began with the annual 'Displaying of the Glyndŵr Crown (the nation's symbol of Sovereignty) Parade'. The parade was welcomed at Y Plas by the Mayor of Machynlleth and a number of councillors and the crown was transferred to the mayor by its Custodian, Elfyn Rowlands of Cefn Caer, Pennal.

TRIBUTES: Glyn Rowlands had sadly passed away last year and this year saw the departing of Mr John Parsons, the long serving clerk of Machynlleth town council. Both these men had been very supportive and helpful to Embassy Glyndŵr in regards to our work with Machynlleth from the onset and a tribute was paid to both men by myself on behalf of Embassy Glyndŵr. During this tribute, I pointed out that there was another interesting connection between Glyn and Mr Parsons as Mr Parsons had been Glyn's Solicitor during the FWA trial of 1969. A minute's silence took place to remember the two loyal friends. Mr Parson's widow was present at this touching tribute.

The Mayor carrying the crown was followed back through the town and to the Senedd-Dŷ where the Mayor and the Custodian of the Crown placed the Crown for exhibiting to the public during the afternoon. At this time, events had commenced on 'Parliament Green' as part of the festival and the children were entertained by Cwmni Cortyn (puppet show) Mair Tomos Ifans and other local talent whilst the grown ups were entertained by Lazarus until the programme for the official re-opening of the Senedd-Dy commenced.

Lazarus entertained at the Owain Glyndŵr pub during the evening.

Petition

2011-06-24T10:57:00.001-07:00

e-Petition: Recall LDP’s

’We call upon the National Assembly for Wales to urge the Welsh government to recall all Local Development Plans across Wales and to scrap the use of population projections issued by the Statistical Directorate that are used to inflate housing numbers in local development plans. We call for all LDPs at whatever stage of development to be halted immediately in order to bring the level of housing growth in line with genuine local needs.

We the undersigned view all LDPs guided by the Welsh Government’s population projections as ill thought out, fundamentally flawed and detrimental to the communities of Wales.

This type of planning is not sustainable, is not needed and is not wanted by the people of Wales. In order to halt the damage that is already being done and to prevent further irreversible damage and devastation to our communities, environment and identity across Wales, we appeal to the Welsh Government to intervene immediately.’

(click on the button)

The Unity Debate

2011-06-18T09:47:00.000-07:00

From Gerry Adams
June 18, 2011
Sinn Féin is holding a major conference today in Dublin to promote the objective of Uniting Ireland.

The Dublin conference has attracted significant speakers. Among them are Rev. Gary Mason from East Belfast; Brian Keenan, former Beirut hostage; former UDP representative and Irish Times columnist Davy Adams; Dr. John Bradley, an economic consultant, who was formerly a Research Professor at the ESRI and regularly advises the European Commission, the World Bank and other international organisations and governments; Dr. Pádraic White, Former IDA Managing Director, Entrepreneur & Chairman Employers Services Board West Belfast and Greater Shankhill; Michael D'Arcy, a Dublin-based economic and business consultant and Norah Gibbon, Barnardos, Director of Advocacy.

Speaking this morning just before the conference commenced Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD said:

“This conference and the one next Saturday in Cork are part of a strategy by Sinn Féin to raise awareness and encourage a national conversation around the goal of a United Ireland and create inclusive platforms for an engagement on this crucially important issue.

“It does not make sense on an island this small with just six million people to have two states and two governments.

“There is a significant duplication of public and private services, two sets of currencies, and two tax systems, laws and regulations.

“And at a time when every cent or pence is needed to rebuild the economy, this duplication of government and public services is wasteful and costly.

“The Good Friday Agreement provides a roadmap to build all-island approaches.

“Sinn Féin seeks to erase the border and its adverse impact on the lives of citizens, through practical co-operation and imaginative policies, including the full utilization of the all-island institutions that were created by the Good Friday Agreement.

“In the negotiations which led to the Good Friday Agreement Sinn Fein succeeded in getting the British to scrap the Government of Ireland Act through which it claimed jurisdiction over a part of Ireland.

“This was a significant development. Last week in his speech to the Assembly the British Prime Minister David Cameron repeated this position.

“He said, ‘as the Agreement makes very clear’, the constitutional future of the north does not rest in his hands or those of his government but in the hands of the people.
As a unionist Mr. Cameron made his preference clear but he was equally frank in his public declaration that the British government will always back the democratic wishes of the people whether ‘to remain part of the United Kingdom, as is my strong wish…or whether it’s to be part of a united Ireland’.

“The Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements have mapped out a legislative and democratic route toward uniting Ireland.

“A new Ireland must be fully inclusive. Sinn Féin believes that the interests of citizens and society on this island will be best served by a republican system of governance based on the rights of people.

“But that is a matter for the people to decide. There are other models which can be considered, including federal arrangements. They could serve transitional measures or as governmental systems in their own right.

“A key part of the debate about the future must be a discussion with unionists about what they mean by Britishness and how a new Ireland – whether or not it is a Republic - can accommodate this.

“It also means mapping out the steps necessary in the time ahead to progress toward uniting Ireland.

“For example:

“The Taoiseach commissioning a Green Paper on Irish unity which would address all aspects of this national and democratic project including its political, social, economic, cultural, legal, administrative and international dimensions.

“A Joint Committee of the Oireachtas on Irish Unity to monitor, assess and report progress on its implementation should be established.

“And a new constitution – discussed and debated and agreed by all sections of people on this island, which would enshrine citizens rights in law.” ENDS

The Irish Legacy

2011-06-15T23:35:00.001-07:00

An Independent International Truth Commission

The legacy of the past is one of the big issues which remains to be resolved in the outworking of the peace process. This includes the truth about formal and informal collusion and the wider desire of many victims and families for an effective truth recovery process.

Ten years ago, in 2001, the British and Irish Governments committed, at peace process talks at Weston Park, to adopt the recommendations of an International Judge in relation to a number of specific cases of collusion.

Canadian Judge Peter Cory was asked to look at the killing of Pat Finucane; Robert Hamill; Rosemary Nelson; Billy Wright; Judge Gibson and his wife; and RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan.

Cory worked diligently and in 2003 he handed his reports over to the two governments. The Canadian Judge concluded that there was no basis for an inquiry into the deaths of the Gibsons. He proposed that one should be held into the killing of the two RUC officers.

The Irish government published Cory’s recommendations in December 03 and announced that it would set up an inquiry, but the British stalled until April 04 before publishing his reports to them.

Seven years later of all the six cases investigated by Judge Cory only the Pat Finucane Inquiry has yet to commence. It is the opinion of this blog that the British government is deeply worried by the enormous political implications of the Finucane case which is known to involve substantial institutional collusion between British state forces and the UDA.

This concern was evident in the introduction by the British government in June 2005 of the Inquiries Act 2005. This legislation deliberately limits the scope of the inquiries proposed by Cory who criticised the British move saying it "...would make a meaningful inquiry impossible."

Meanwhile, the Smithwick Tribunal was established by Resolutions passed by Dáil and Seanad on the 23rd and 24th March 2005. It allows for immunity for witnesses.

Its purpose is to inquire “into suggestions that members of An Garda Síochána or other employees of the State colluded in the fatal shootings of RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan on the 20th March, 1989.”

In May 2006 I was asked to meet the Smithwick Tribunal. This meeting took place a few weeks later in June.

The Tribunal asked if Sinn Féin could facilitate an engagement with the IRA about the killing of the two RUC men and claims that this action was possible because of collusion took place with members of the Gardaí.

We undertook to do our best. But we were mindful that the situation had changed significantly as a consequence of the IRA’s July 2005 statement in which the IRA leadership had “formally ordered an end to the armed campaign” and said that “all IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means.”

The IRA restated its goal of achieving a united Ireland and in its statement it acknowledged that it believed that “there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage.”

The consequence of this was that the IRA had left the stage and there could be no engagement with it. However, we were advised that former volunteers might be prepared to engage with the Smithwick Tribunal on a voluntary basis.

The Sinn Féin leadership spent some time putting in place a process which would facilitate this. When this was achieved Sinn Féin stepped back and the process moved forward.

This week the Smithwick Tribunal opened for its first substantive public hearings. In her opening remarks Maura Laverty SC, a member of the Tribunal’s legal team, revealed that the Tribunal had met with former IRA volunteers.

She described it as a ‘very significant development’ and as an ‘unprecedented development’ and described how three members of the Tribunal’s legal team had met with three former members of the IRA. She said: “Those former members included former leadership at both national and local (south Armagh) level. One of the three former personnel had first-hand knowledge of the IRA operation of March 20th, 1989, and had a command role in that operation. The former personnel gave a detailed account of the events leading to the deaths of Chief Supt Breen and Supt Buchanan and replied to questions posed by the three members of the Tribunal’s legal team.”

The Sinn Féin leadership helped to facilitate this engagement because we sincerely believe there is a responsibility to assist families bereaved in the conflict if and when we can, though this may not be possible in all cases.

Republicans are very conscious of the hurt and suffering which has been caused through conflict in our country.

Sinn Féin believes that there needs to be an effective process for dealing with all legacy issues. Weston Park only dealt with six cases. But there are many more families who seek truth and closure.

Therefore, the British and Irish governments should invite a reputable and independent international body to establish an Independent International Truth Commission.

Sinn Féin has been consistent on this issue. Our proposition would be independent of any state, combatant groups, political parties, civil society and economic interests.

It should have a remit to inquire into the extent and pattern of past violations as well as their causes and consequences and would be dependent on the full co-operation of all the relevant parties.

Of course, such a process would not be easy. There are vested interests who do not want the truth and who will oppose the creation of a meaningful truth recovery process.

It will also be a difficult and painful process and experience, particularly for bereaved families. It must therefore be conducted in a sensitive and generous way. And there can be no hierarchy of victims. All victims must be treated on the basis of equality.

The closure which victims, victim’s families and survivors deserve, demands that those who contributed to the conflict have to pledge ourselves to tell and to listen to the truth about the past. Over time this will contribute to genuine national reconciliation and an inclusive healing process.

For my part I would actively encourage republicans to co-operate with such a process.

Building a united harmonious society demands that these difficult issues are dealt with in an inclusive way as a necessary part of putting the past behind us. Looking after victims and victims’ families and survivors is a significant and important part of this.

The Future for Kernow

2011-06-07T00:03:00.000-07:00

Please click to help support the campaign:

Cornish Devolution Now

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